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Migrant people of different nationalities seeking asylum in the United States travel on freight cars of the Mexican train known as “The Beast” as they arrive at the border city of Ciudad Juarez in Chihuahua, Mexico, on April 24, 2024. | Herika Martinez/AFP via Getty Images For all the attention on the border, the root causes of migration and the most promising solutions to the US’s broken immigration system are often overlooked. There is a crisis on America’s border with Mexico. The number of people arriving there has skyrocketed in the years since the pandemic, when crossings fell drastically. The scenes coming from the border, and from many US cities that have been touched by the migrant crisis, have helped elevate the issue in voters’ minds. But for all the attention the topic gets, it is also widely misunderstood. The last few decades have seen a series of surges at the border and political wrangling over how to respond. The root causes of migration and why the US has long been ill-equipped to deal with it have been overlooked. Understanding all of that is key to fixing the problem. Yes, border crossings are up. But the type of migrants coming, where they’re from, and why they’re making the often treacherous journey to the southern border has changed over the years. The US’s immigration system simply was not designed or resourced to deal with the types of people arriving today: people from a growing variety of countries, fleeing crises and seeking asylum, often with their families. And that’s a broader problem that neither Biden, nor any president, can fix on their own. Here’s an explanation of the border crisis, broken down into eight charts. It’s true, more people have been coming The reality at the border has fundamentally changed in the years since Biden took office. Former President Donald Trump effectively shut down the border during the pandemic. He instituted the so-called Title 42 policy, which expelled asylum seekers under the pretext of protecting public health. As the pandemic subsided, migrants started attempting anew to cross the border in the last year of Trump’s presidency. When Biden won the 2020 election on a pro-immigrant platform, many migrants reportedly assumed (and were advised by smugglers) that his policies would be more welcoming, resulting in a sharp increase in crossings. That assumption proved faulty. Biden maintained Trump’s Title 42 policy for more than two years after taking office, ending it only in May 2023 when he also terminated the national emergency related to the pandemic. Border encounters climbed even higher that fall. By December, immigration authorities recorded a record number of more than 300,000 migrant encounters. The number of encounters has been so high that it’s clear more people have been coming under the Biden administration than during the Trump years, even accounting for seasonal fluctuations in migration. (Note: The same person can account for multiple encounters if they attempt to cross the border and come into contact with officials more than once. While the Title 42 policy was in place, migrants were not penalized for attempting to cross the border multiple times, and many did, though it’s hard to say exactly how many.) In recent months, however, that trend has started to slow for a few reasons. The Biden administration has instituted its version of Trump’s asylum transit ban. That rule allows immigration enforcement officials to turn away migrants for a number of reasons: if they do not have valid travel and identification documents, if they’ve traveled through another country without applying for asylum, if they don’t show up at a port of entry at an appointed time, and more. More so than Biden’s asylum policies, the biggest factor in declining border encounters by far is Mexico’s efforts to step up enforcement, said Aaron Reichlin-Melnick, policy director at the American Immigration Council. Mexico has prevented some migrants from traveling north, bused and flown others back to Mexico’s southern border with Guatemala, and recently reached an agreement with Venezuela to deport its citizens. That has made this spring so far the quietest at the US southern border in four years. There is a question, however, of how long this can last — and at what cost to asylum seekers. “Despite Mexico going through the cycle of periodic crackdowns, none of them has lasted for longer than a few months or produced sustained, yearslong drops in the number of migrants arriving at the border,” Reichlin-Melnick said. “That’s why I call it a Band-Aid.” Compared to past surges, different types of migrants are coming from different places and seeking different things The last time the US immigration system was significantly reformed in the late 1980s, migrants arriving at the border were primarily single adult males from Mexico looking for work. That is no longer the case. More people are arriving at the US southern border intending to apply for asylum than ever before. That means instead of coming here claiming to look for work, they are seeking refuge because they have what the US government determines is a “credible fear” of persecution in their home countries on account of their race, religion, nationality, political opinions, or membership in a “particular social group,” such as a tribe or ethnic group. The number of asylum applications filed as part of immigration court proceedings — where migrants encountered at the border are often referred after being found to have credible claims for protection — skyrocketed in recent years through the end of 2023. Under the Trump administration, most migrants arriving at the southern border were from Central America’s “Northern Triangle”: Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. In the last few years, however, the number of migrants coming from those countries has been eclipsed by those coming from South America — particularly Venezuela, Colombia, and Nicaragua — and the Caribbean, including Haiti and Cuba. They have been driven out by recent compounding political and economic crises and natural disasters in their home countries. Mexican nationals are still showing up at the border, but rather than coming for economic reasons, they’re being driven out by shifting patterns of cartel violence. Migrants are increasingly coming from much more far-flung areas of the world. Migrants from China are among the fastest-growing populations at the southern border. There is also rising migration from India and Europe. Smugglers at the southern border have started marketing their services to these populations in a bid to expand their business. More families are also coming. This might be due to the correct perception that families have a better chance of remaining in the US if they travel together than if they travel separately. All of this seems to reflect the understanding that, for many of these migrant populations, there are no other good options but to go to the southern border, even if they may qualify to enter the US legally by other means. US refugee resettlement typically takes years. Wait times for some family-based green cards for some countries can take decades. “There’s an increasing number of people that need protection, and they view that the fastest and clearest way to protection is to go to the US-Mexico border,” said Ariel Ruiz Soto, a senior policy analyst at the Migration Policy Institute. The immigration system is struggling to absorb these migrants The US immigration system is not designed to process so many people arriving at the southern border, especially not from such a broad array of countries and as part of families. That has created a variety of new challenges: Some countries generating large numbers of migrants, like Venezuela, Cuba, and China, have refused to receive more than a few, if any, of their citizens whom the US wants to deport. Processing migrants who don’t speak Spanish or English may require bringing in a certified translator who isn’t always readily available. Families and children are vulnerable populations with a unique set of needs, and the infrastructure does not exist to keep them in government custody long-term. The Biden administration has recently introduced a pilot program to process and monitor families without having to detain them, but like the rest of the immigration system, it is under-resourced and therefore has only covered a fraction of families arriving at the southern border. These challenges have deepened the immigration court backlog, which has grown to over 3 million cases. The immigration courts handle cases in which the Department of Homeland Security does not have the authority to deport an immigrant unilaterally, and they consider any potential relief from deportation for which they may qualify, including asylum and protections for victims of torture. So far this year, resolving those cases has taken more than a year on average, during which time migrants may have been detained or released into the US. This is despite the Biden administration’s efforts to slow the growth of the backlog, including removing cases from the docket that are not a high priority for enforcement and involve people who do not have a criminal record or have been in the US for a long time. The Biden administration started processing more asylum applications as the pandemic waned, leading to an increase in grants and denials. However, because of a lack of resources in the immigration courts and at US Citizenship and Immigration Services’s asylum office, the number of cases that are not adjudicated or temporarily closed has gone up even higher. Biden has tried a variety of different approaches to handling the asylum backlog, including marking more cases under that non-adjudicated status and proposing to change the processing rules to allow the government to more quickly expel people who are potentially ineligible to remain in the US. The thinking is that fewer people will be interested in crossing the border if they don’t expect to be able to spend years in the US before ever having to litigate their asylum claim. But it remains to be seen if that’s really working. Absent real solutions to these issues, border states started busing migrants from the border to blue cities in 2022. Some of those cities, many of which have been sanctuaries for undocumented immigrants over the years, have implemented policies to evict migrants from public shelters after a certain period of time due to a lack of capacity. That even these pro-immigrant cities are struggling indicates how stressed the system has become. Biden has also started sending more migrants, most of whom have no criminal record, to US Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention. The number of immigrants in ICE detention was at historic lows during the pandemic due to public health concerns associated with confining people in close quarters. But that changed when the pandemic subsided and the number of people arriving at the border increased, creating both real and perceived pressure for the government to increase its capacity to detain migrants, said Tom Jawetz, former deputy general counsel at the Department of Homeland Security. At Biden’s urging, Congress raised the number of authorized ICE detention beds from 34,000 in fiscal year 2023 to 41,500 in 2024, close to historical highs. Public opinion on immigration has soured The challenges at the border and throughout the immigration system have led more Americans to sour on immigration itself. A long-running Gallup survey has shown that, of late, Americans increasingly want to see immigration levels decrease. Jawetz said that Americans’ dissatisfaction with the immigration system is “totally fair.” “The immigration system is not working as you might want it to work. And that’s what people have meant for many, many years when they said the immigration system is broken,” he said. That dysfunction predates Biden, but has now compounded to the point that members of both parties recognize the status quo is untenable. Most recently, a solution seemed within reach when a bipartisan group of lawmakers reached a deal that traded sweeping border security measures for aid for Ukraine, Taiwan, and Israel. But Republicans in the House ultimately tanked the bill so that Donald Trump could keep the issue alive on the campaign trail this year. The fact is that responding to the global surge of migration requires major reforms that no one president could enact unilaterally. That includes providing adequate resources to the most overburdened parts of the system, ensuring the Border Patrol officers can perform more inspections, and staffing enough asylum officers and immigration judges to process migrants’ claims for protection. By itself, enforcement is insufficient to resolve the problems at the border, Ruiz Soto said. “Even the most strict policies of a potential future Trump administration would not be enough if the resources and infrastructure continues to be the same,” he said.

INDIANAPOLIS — Jalen Brunson wasn’t fouled, after all. But there will be no review of the controversial no-call on a probable goaltend. The league determined the referees only flubbed one call in its two-minute report of Friday’s Game 3, when Pascal Siakam should’ve been whistled for an offensive foul with 1:57 remaining. But on New...

Getty Images You can have healthy disagreements with the people in your life. Because humans are imperfect, complex social beings, we argue. We disagree. We butt heads. If you’re not fighting every once in a while, congratulations for being perfect or extremely conflict-averse. Ideally, on the other side, we come to an agreement everyone is satisfied with: a shared understanding, an apology, a more efficient workflow. Even in the worst-case scenario, each party should feel heard, even if disagreements linger. “A good argument is one in which both sides walk away feeling like they would do that again,” says Bo Seo, author of Good Arguments: How Debate Teaches Us to Listen and Be Heard, “not that it’s life-changing or a hugely positive experience.” As many of us know from our own experiences, though, most arguments fail to meet that standard. John Gottman and his wife Julie Schwartz Gottman have seen their fair share of argumentative blunders in their decades of research on couples. This history has earned them a reputation as one of the most popular and well-regarded experts on love and relationships. One of the biggest mistakes people make in disagreements is fighting to win — to prove the other person wrong and persuade — rather than to understand, Gottman said. We may be tempted to levy personal attacks and blame the other person. We might dismiss and interrupt them. We may play the victim or completely shut down. The good news is it’s possible to have better, more effective fights. No relationship is without conflict, but a little conversational fine-tuning can transform an often frustrating experience into a fruitful one. Here’s what to keep in mind. Understand what you’re really arguing about Because no one truly anticipates an argument, it can be difficult to zero in on what you actually want to get out of it. Your motivation may be something concrete — wanting to finish the bathroom renovation — or more amorphous, like getting an apology. Regardless of your desired outcome, there is often a deeper meaning behind the intricacies of the fight, says Chris Segrin, head of the University of Arizona’s department of communication. Although you may be arguing about what color to paint the bathroom, there is likely a larger symbolic issue at play. “‘We live in this apartment and everything in here is the way you set it up and the way you want it,’” Segrin notes as an example. “‘I don’t feel like I have any opportunity to have my style in here.’” The Gottmans refer to this as the “dreams within conflict.” To determine the dream behind the other person’s argument, they suggest asking questions like, “Tell me why this is so important to you,” or, “Is there a story behind this for you?” One partner should do all the listening at first and then be given the space to answer the same questions, uninterrupted. “You come out of that with much deeper understanding of your partner,” Schwartz Gottman says, “and oftentimes more compassion, as you understand, for example, that they may have some baggage or traumatic history that influenced their position now on an issue.” Ask yourself if you’re butting heads over a difference in worldview or in values, says friendship coach Danielle Bayard Jackson, author of Fighting for Our Friendships: The Science and Art of Conflict and Connection in Women’s Relationships. Sometimes the people in your life make different choices that may be annoying but ultimately don’t impact you. Other times, major gaps in core values may threaten the relationship. You should feel empowered to bring up how you feel their views impact you; you might consider whether you can continue to be in a relationship with them if they continue to hold these opinions, Bayard Jackson says. Typically, people want one of three things out of an argument: to make a point, make a difference, or be heard. Wanting to make a point, to be right, or to prove the other person wrong is not an effective strategy, Segrin says. “People just don’t respond well to that tactic,” he says. If you find yourself in this camp, consider why it’s so important for you to express this point and why getting the other person to change their mind is the right way forward. There are, of course, very crucial reasons to change someone’s mind: maybe they’re at risk of hurting themselves or other people, for example, or you’re their parent and you need to guide them. Generally, though, attempting to force someone to see things your way may drive a deeper wedge in the relationship. Making a difference means transforming the relationship or the outcome in some way: hearing what motivates them, collaborating on how to move forward, and growing closer in the process. It’s also possible that you don’t want anyone to debate you — or to change anything about the situation — but to make your voice heard. This can be an effective approach in professional settings, says Alison Green, creator of the work advice column Ask a Manager. If you’re on the other side when someone’s venting — especially if that person is a subordinate at work — make them feel heard, that you’re interested in understanding their perspective and how you might learn from it, Green says. Sometimes our goals aren’t necessarily realistic: You probably can’t duck out of that company retreat or convince a lifelong vegan to eat meat. Understanding how much sway you actually have to change a person’s behavior or an unsatisfying situation can prevent a ton of frustration, especially at work. “The more detached you can be about it, the better,” Green says. “Ultimately, it might not be your job to make that call. It’s your job to give your perspective and your recommendation. If you can be okay with washing your hands of it and letting someone else make that decision regardless of what that decision is, you come away feeling better about it.” Practice active listening Because a fight is a two-way exchange, listening is crucial. “Listening isn’t about doing a favor to the other person,” says workplace expert Amy Gallo, author of Getting Along: How to Work with Anyone (Even Difficult People). Truly hearing someone better enables you to come up with a solution. Rather than just waiting to talk, take deep breaths while the other person is speaking, Bayard Jackson suggests. In professional settings, you might jot down a few notes about what the other person has said and how you want to respond, Gallo says. The Gottmans also suggest note-taking and reading back what you heard to ensure you’re grasping their argument. You won’t be as reactive when you’re focused on transcribing the conversation. One of the most effective forms of active listening involves repeating what you heard. Try saying, “Let me see if I heard that correctly,” or, “I think what I’m hearing is [the reason they’re upset] was really frustrating for you.” You can ask follow-up questions like, “Why do you think [the issue they’re concerned about] is happening?” or, “I know that’s hard. Why do you feel that way?” to signal you’re paying attention to their concerns. As difficult as it may be, avoid interrupting. If the other party seems particularly inflamed, let them express all of their concerns so you can get the full picture of their argument, Seo says. Try asking them, gently, “Do you have anything more to add?” before recapping what you heard. Try to be as objective as possible when hearing out the other person, Seo says. If you assume they’re acting in bad faith, you’re less likely to come to an agreement. Focus on areas of agreement and negotiate where you don’t agree In the heat of an argument, people feel the need to counter every detail their conversation partner brings up, Gallo says. Fight this urge and start by addressing where you agree, no matter how small. You can say, “That point you made about not wanting to go over budget is so important. I’m glad you said that.” Now, you have a shared goal. Agreement is an olive branch. Acknowledging the other party’s good ideas may lower their defenses and make them more receptive to other points you have to make, Segrin says. In instances where you seemingly disagree on every point, work hard to find some common ground. Maybe you both are working in service of the company’s or your family’s broader goals. It’s worth it to ask, “What are we hoping to get out of this as a family? What path will serve those goals?” You can also invite them to imagine other people’s perspectives without directly getting other people involved: “How would our boss/teammates see this? What ideas would they come up with?” “Rather than getting into a tug of war of just your perspective and their perspective, you’re inviting other people into the room, not literally, but in terms of their perspective,” Gallo says. “That will help expand the other person’s thinking about what’s possible and what are the options for resolution.” One strategy the Gottmans use to facilitate compromise calls to mind the image of a bagel. Draw (or imagine) two concentric circles. In the smaller center circle, write what you don’t want to compromise. In the outer circle, write down all the ways you can compromise. Schwartz Gottman recalls a couple who were arguing about how to spend their retirement: The woman wanted to retire to a family farm in Iowa, while her husband hoped to sail around the world — these were their nonnegotiables. The timing, duration, and expenses were all flexible. The couple compromised by agreeing that they’d sail for a year, and then spend a year on the farm. In conflicts where you are diametrically opposed to the other person’s point of view, restrain from tearing down the other person or insulting their intelligence. Attacking the person and not the argument is a sign of an amateur debater, Segrin says. Even if there is a wide divide between your opinion and a friend’s, consider whether it’s worth the energy of an argument at all. Ask yourself how much of a margin do you give your loved ones to think differently than you, Bayard Jackson says. We expect our friends to agree with us most of the time, she says, but it’s unrealistic to be on the same page as someone all the time. Where are you willing to diverge in opinion from your friends? How to handle your emotions Arguments are inherently emotional: It can be difficult to hear how we’ve hurt someone or have our opinions challenged. Sometimes your body might have a physiological reaction called flooding, where your heart rate rises, your muscles tense, and you go into fight, flight, or freeze mode, says Schwartz Gottman. In these situations, you should step away from the conversation. Say, “We should take a break,” and set a time for when you’ll return to discussions. This allows you to cool off, reconsider the situation, and/or get an outsider’s perspective. To blunt the impact of emotions in workplace conflicts, Green suggests thinking of yourself as a consultant: to provide recommendations and leave it up to the client (a.k.a. your boss) whether to take them. “But you’re not so invested because you’re not part of their day-to-day team who feels that same emotional investment,” Green says. If you’re nervous to even start the conversation, Bayard Jackson recommends front-loading the conversation with reassurances that your goal is to strengthen the relationship, and to even highlight your trepidation. Try saying, “I’d love to talk to you about something and I don’t want it to be awkward between us or for you to think I’m pulling away from the friendship.” What to do if you really can’t see eye to eye It’s also entirely possible that the other party does not offer you the same respect and courtesy during a disagreement. If the person you’re arguing with is extremely critical and interrupts you, you might say, “Can we slow this down? I really want a chance to finish what I’m saying before I hear your response,” or, “I really want to understand you. Can you say it another way?” Schwartz Gottman suggests. Maybe the other party is resorting to lies during the disagreement. Try not to respond to every single falsehood, Seo says, but instead pick a representative lie that demonstrates how their other arguments are untrue. Similarly, avoid going tit-for-tat with someone who’s particularly combative. “You can do real damage by either being drawn to brawling with the other side or continuing to be reasonable when clearly that’s no longer the nature of the conversation,” Seo says. Try saying, “I think we’re disagreeing in a way that’s not going to help us understand each other or to reach a good outcome. Let’s come back to this later. But before we finish I’d like to get a few things off my chest and I’d rather we didn’t argue about it.” “Then you can have the last word,” Seo says. However, if the other person’s values and beliefs consistently make you feel unsafe or inadequate, you might consider ending the relationship. But for many other relationships — professional connections in particular — you may just need to agree to disagree. If both sides can respect each other’s point of view and accept how it differs from their own, the relationship can continue so long as there is mutual respect, Segrin says. “There are going to be things, when we have a relationship with another human being, we just have to accept about them,” Segrin says. “It’s not always bad. It’s not about who’s right. It’s just acceptance.”

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In Shakespeare’s Henry IV, Part II, the Earl of Warwick warns the king of an impending revolt, which is one of those main chance of thingsAs yet not come to life, who in their seedsAnd weak beginning lie intreasured The ailing but canny king rises to the occasion: Are these things then necessities?Then let us meet them like necessities. A brutal war ensues, in which Henry saves his kingdom.King Henry’s response is a piece of wisdom well suited to a moment when clamoring or nervous politicians, addled demonstrators, and would-be anarchists or revolutionaries have scarcely anything sensible at all to say about the wars of our time.The case of Israel against Hamas, and specifically the question of a potential invasion of Rafah, Gaza, is particularly striking. Freezing the conflict before the destruction of Hamas as an effective military organization (as a political movement, it may last a very long time) has no prospect of delivering anything remotely like peace. Insisting that the Israelis find a humane way of destroying an enemy, without collateral damage, is absurd when that force is deeply and cunningly dug in and fortified, and indeed prefers for political reasons to see its own civilians suffer. If such an alternative existed, surely someone would have described it for the rest of us.The fact—the necessity, as King Henry might have put it—is that although any force engaging in urban warfare has a responsibility to limit civilian casualties, city fighting is ruinous. The residents of Mosul, Fallujah, or for that matter of Aachen in 1944, would agree.[Elliot Ackerman: A knife fight in a phone booth]Halting the war now, leaving Hamas still standing, is a surefire way to breed more wars. Doing so would encourage Hamas to fulfill its promise of launching many more October 7–style attacks. It would also embolden Iran, which has already gotten away with firing massive volleys of long-range missiles at Israeli cities; Hezbollah, which has ignored a deal requiring it to withdraw behind the Litani River and is waging a low-level war across the Lebanon frontier; and the Houthis, who have been taking potshots at merchant shipping.The effectiveness of antimissile defenses has shielded governments from treating necessities like necessities. Indeed, it has in some measure obscured the existential nature of the long-running Israel-Hamas war. Western leaders have preferred not to take seriously the eliminationist rhetoric of Hamas, Iran, and their various proxies, just as they preferred not to take Vladimir Putin’s rhetoric denying the existence of a legitimate Ukraine seriously.The vacuous commitment of Western leaders to stand with Ukraine “for as long as it takes” allows them to avoid defining that awkward word, it. Creeping talk of cease-fires—in which the Ukrainians evince no interest—substitutes for providing Ukraine with the means to win. More hard thinking of a Henrician kind would make clear that a cease-fire would produce only a demoralized Ukraine, a triumphal Russia, a blow to Western prestige—and, in the end, a renewed Russian war of conquest. It would also force other states in the path of Russia’s ruthless imperial ambitions to choose between accommodation and nuclear proliferation.[Read: The war is not going well for Ukraine]In both cases, there is in Western circles a desire to avoid confronting the awfulness of real war—not war waged in far-off lands for obscure purposes, but war waged to save or destroy nations, wars launched with massacre and the promise of more massacre in the event of victory by the side that started them.There is a deeper civilizational malady here, the kind that manifests in magical thinking about political choice. It was audible in the calls for defunding the police, which did not pause to consider that crime rates might rise when officers cease to keep the streets safe; in the claims that gargantuan deficits would not lead to inflation; and in the assertion that you can keep children completely safe from risks of COVID without paying a penalty in their mental health.Part of the transition to adulthood lies in accepting that actions have consequences, that money spent on one thing is not available for another, that not all stories have happy endings, that not all good things are compatible. Maturity is, above all, the recognition that reality is reality, and that when it conflicts with your wishes and desires, it always wins.If a substantial number of members of Congress, on both sides of the aisle, act like spoiled teenagers, it is because few penalties exist for adult legislators acting like brats. Indeed, many of their constituents prefer it so. Under such circumstances, it should come as no surprise that student protesters complain when their university fails to feed them even as they occupy its buildings and muscle the janitors, or insist on wearing masks so that, unlike Martin Luther King Jr. or Henry David Thoreau, they do not have to take responsibility for civil disobedience. While there have been some notably adult responses to student unrest—University of Florida President Ben Sasse stands out in his insistence that students are not children and should not be treated as such—for the most part university presidents have flattered and appeased students rather than reproved them, even as some of those students have called for the destruction of the world’s only Jewish state.The world has a distinctly 1930s feel to it. Western leaders have offered stirring or at least forceful rhetoric in response to multiple crises. But when it comes to deeds rather than words, the record is less compelling. During the Cold War, countries spent 4 or 5 percent of their GDP on defense, and the United States got as high as 8 percent. Today, even the United States is below 3 percent. There is a broad political consensus that China is a growing threat, that Iran is a violent menace, and that Russia is an imperial revanchist state. Yet no one is seriously calling for the kind of sacrifices that are needed to meet the crisis, such as raising taxes to reverse the shrinkage of the United States Navy or create the kind of industrial base that could sustain the American military should worse come to worst.With some notable exceptions, Europe is even more lost in its world of wishful thinking than the U.S. is. France’s Emmanuel Macron may talk of stationing Western forces in Ukraine, but unless his and other governments introduce large-scale conscription and create the industries required to sustain armies, they will not have much by way of land forces to do it. Great Britain, a traditional defense stalwart, will struggle to meet a target of 2.5 percent of GDP spent on defense by 2030—as its forces have shrunk to levels not seen, in some cases, since Victorian times.Thucydides, of whom Shakespeare’s King Henry would have approved, famously said that war is a rough master, a violent teacher. In peace and prosperity, he said, states and individuals do not find themselves “suddenly confronted with imperious necessity.” At a time when war flickers on the borders of a generally peaceful and generally prosperous and generally immature West, we would do well to heed his wisdom, and that of the tired but resolute Shakespearean king.

1.I’m taperingthe doctor says––It might feellike you can hearyour eyes moving––space racingfrom the backof your skullto the front––Mine goes a littlecold sometimes––I don’t knowhow elseto describe it––Tall black candles––2.I’m taperingoffbecause theymake mevery sick––the morningand eveningtablets I taketo stave offthe chillof consciousness––Two poles––all stomachor all mind––Tall black candles––3.I’m taperingoff––a gentle wayof sayingwithdrawalwithout the longawl of it––the taking outand taking out––like cash––My brother’s eyes,drawn outfor days––Tall black candles––Ash––

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The recordings offer a snapshot of the incredulity of officers from the Maryland Natural Resources Police as they approached the site where the Francis Scott Key Bridge in Baltimore collapsed.

There's an opening in the Giants’ lineup as a perimeter cornerback to play across from Deonte Banks and it sounds as if there is an early favorite.

The Mets are not categorizing Kodai Senga’s situation as a setback, but the rehabbing ace’s progress appears to have been paused.

Part one of Fox News Digital's series on Donald Trump's VP search focuses on South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem, who has faced controversy but widely appeals to the conservative base.

La previsión contempla más lluvias en el ya anegado estado brasileño de Río Grande do Sul, donde muchos de los damnificados son gente pobre con pocas opciones de marcharse a zonas menos peligrosas.

A New Jersey mom had just given birth when she received a life-changing diagnosis — and she feared she wouldn’t be able to have more children. Here's how she got a second chance at motherhood.

Sen. Steve Daines of Montana is laying down the law as he steers the Senate GOP campaign committee. Can he do what the GOP failed to do two years ago and win back the Senate majority?

Jaden Laing, who finished 10th on this year’s season of Survivor, posted a video yesterday on his social media accounts showing him trying to enter the Burleigh Pavilion at Burleigh Heads.

Photo Illustration by Luis G. Rendon/The Daily Beast/Getty ImagesYou might recognize Hollywood bigwig Chuck Pacheco as a member of Leonardo DiCaprio’s so-called Wolf Pack, or, as it is alternatively known, the “Pussy Posse.”Pacheco, who is not only a producer, but a high-powered talent agent and sometime actor—he has appeared in The Hangover and Entourage—has worked with Martin Scorsese, Bruce Willis, Mike Tyson, and Elvis’ granddaughter Riley Keough, and runs in the same circles as Ben Affleck, Nick Cassavetes, and Woody Harrelson. He has made headlines for, among other things, tangling with paparazzi while partying with Jamie Foxx.But there appears to be a far less-glittery side to Pacheco’s seemingly charmed life. According to a bombshell search warrant affidavit obtained by The Daily Beast, the movie mogul also allegedly owes nearly $8 million in back taxes to the IRS, which has been unable to get its money because Pacheco claims he’s broke.Read more at The Daily Beast.

Anti-Israel demonstrators gathered at UNC-Chapel Hill's campus on Saturday ahead of the commencement ceremony, and threw red paint on the stairs of the Chancellor's building.

Maya Rudolph hosted "Saturday Night Live" for the third time, and was honored as "mother" by the cast in her opening monologue.

Meet your new favorite Mother’s Day cake recipe from Wicked Finch Farm — a delicious bourbon blueberry jam icebox cake perfect for the incoming summer heat.

A Reddit user whose wife moved out of their house after she discovered a crime took place there before she moved in did nothing wrong by not telling her about the house's history

A 48-year-old Georgia man charged with murdering 23-year-old first-year law student Tara Louise Baker and setting fire to her apartment 23 years ago has been denied bond in Athens. 

Next up for Mets reliever Brooks Raley is a visit to Texas on Tuesday to see Dr. Keith Meister.

One of the broadcast voices you’ll hear describing the action at the PGA Championship this week at Valhalla will be a familiar one.  It will be an informed voice, a respected voice, a comfortable voice.  Dottie Pepper’s voice from inside the ropes at PGA Tour events has become almost as much a fabric of CBS...

When her mother disappears, 7-year-old Nicki Bates begins a lifelong search to find her and bring her killer to justice. "48 Hours" correspondent Peter Van Sant reports.