Terry McLaurin, three other Commanders voted second-team all-pro

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The "RHONY" star tells Page Six's "Virtual Reali-Tea" why her dynamic with Whitfield has devolved after reliving this week's episode of the Bravo reality show.

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Congestion pricing is now in effect in New York City. | Lokman Vural Elibol/Anadolu via Getty Images After a last-minute about-face, pushback, and compromise, congestion pricing officially went into effect this week in New York City.  The first-in-the-nation policy — which tries to reduce traffic and raise revenue for public transit by charging drivers a steep fee to use the busiest roads in Manhattan — has been, to say the least, controversial. Back in June, New York Gov. Kathy Hochul abruptly slammed the brakes on congestion pricing just weeks before it was set to launch, only to eventually bring it back at a lower rate. At the time, a Siena College poll had found that nearly two-thirds of New Yorkers opposed the plan. And since it launched, some people living in and around Manhattan have aired their grievances about the extra charge, and businesses have said that the new scheme will cause them to raise their prices. It’s way too soon to measure how congestion pricing is faring in New York, either in terms of its popularity or effects on transportation in the region. Commute times have reportedly been shorter on bridges and tunnels entering Manhattan. And while there are anecdotes of quieter streets within the congestion relief zone — which is anywhere in Manhattan south of 60th Street — traffic data so far shows that there hasn’t been much of a change in commuting patterns compared to previous weeks. It’s also hard to say how much of any traffic changes have been a result of congestion pricing as opposed to, say, brutally cold weather. That’s why it will take many months to get a sense of how successful New York’s congestion pricing model is, and what its other effects may be. Will New York see carbon emissions decrease, for example, like cities with congestion pricing have experienced? Other American cities are also watching how it unfolds to see if they could implement something like it. But in the meantime, New Yorkers eager to know how this will play out can look at how congestion pricing has worked in other cities that have given it a shot.  What New York can learn from other cities London implemented congestion pricing in 2003, then charging vehicles 5 pounds to enter the city’s busiest streets on weekdays between 7 am and 6:30 pm. Just before the toll was put in place, only 39 percent of Londoners supported the plan — similar numbers to the Siena poll showing the (un)popularity of NYC’s plan.  Five months after the program launched, public support for congestion pricing grew to 59 percent, buoyed by noticeably decongested roads. In the policy’s first year, London saw a 30 percent reduction in traffic. Stockholm was a similar story. When the city first imposed a congestion tax in 2006, it started with a seven-month trial period. During this time, the policy effectively removed some 100,000 cars off the roads in the relief zone, easing traffic and improving people’s commute times. Shortly afterward, Stockholm residents approved a referendum to make congestion pricing permanent, and public support swelled to 70 percent by 2011. “In both London and Stockholm, residents were resistant at first but eventually they experienced the promised benefits of reduced traffic and better public transportation and eventually came around to the idea,” said Sarah Kaufman, the director of New York University’s Rudin Center for Transportation. That doesn’t mean that the same exact trend will play out in New York. For one, New York’s policy is more stringent. In London, weekend tolls are only in place between noon and 6 pm and in Stockholm, drivers aren’t charged a toll on the weekends at all. By contrast, New York will still be charging drivers the peak toll on Saturdays and Sundays from 9 am to 9 pm. New York’s policy also applies year-round, whereas Stockholm’s policy varies: Drivers don’t pay the toll during July, and they pay lower, off-peak prices between December and March.  There are also limits to how much tolling the public is willing to accept. “There was an expansion of the London program between 2007 and 2010 into some wealthier western neighborhoods. [Then-London Mayor] Boris Johnson eliminated the expansion, however, due to continued opposition from the neighborhood,” Yonah Freemark, a researcher at the Urban Institute who often focuses on transportation policy, wrote in an email. Still, the effects of congestion pricing on the number of vehicles on the road are clear. When Milan, Italy briefly suspended its car tax in 2012 due to a court ruling after car owners protested, traffic quickly soared. Congestion pricing was reinstated after a few months, and traffic again subsided.  So is congestion pricing here to stay? Examples from cities around the world show that congestion pricing is a resilient policy because public support for the program tends to grow after it launches. But New York’s situation might have unique challenges. One reason is that the opposition includes especially loud voices. President-elect Donald Trump, for example, vowed to end the program by rescinding its federal approval once he’s back in the White House — though it’s unclear whether a move like that could withstand the courts. It’s possible that “a conservative future governor of New York could attempt to stop the program in part or fully,” Freemark added. Still, positive public opinion would make this more difficult and the key in changing public opinion on the toll is to ensure that residents actually feel the positive effects of it. “The benefits have to go hand in hand with the fees,” Kaufman, from NYU, said. London, for example, added 300 buses to its fleet when congestion pricing went into effect, showing residents that investments into public transit were actually being made. In the spring, New York is expected to increase service on at least 24 bus routes. “In New York, when somebody sees a new elevator at their home subway station or when their bus trip takes half the time it did before, or they feel like they’re not completely drowning in honking noises as they walk down the street, then New Yorkers will start to appreciate the program,” Kaufman said.  So if lawmakers invested in congestion pricing want to help New York’s policy follow that of other cities, they need to also invest in public transit and follow a simple formula: Make the trains (and buses) run on time, and more driving commuters will happily leave their cars at home.

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A slew of New York lawmakers called for the ouster of MTA Chairman Janno Lieber, the subway chief appointed by Gov. Hochul, for allegedly downplaying subway crime in a push for congestion pricing.

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Moore will present his budget next week as a starting point for negotiations with the General Assembly over how to close a $3 billion budget deficit.

Like any good entrepreneur who found early success in one market, Elon Musk is now starting to expand to others. Yesterday, Musk—the entrepreneur turned Donald Trump megadonor—hosted a livestream on X with Alice Weidel, the leader of Germany’s far-right political party, Alternative für Deutschland, or AfD.“Only the AfD can save Germany, end of story,” Musk said during the 70-minute conversation, endorsing the party ahead of the country’s elections in February. This is not the first time Musk has publicly thrown his support behind the AfD. At the end of December, he wrote an op-ed in a German newspaper endorsing the aggressively nativist party, whose members and staff have well-documented ties to neo-Nazis and other extremist groups. (The party, for its part, has expelled some politicians and staff over suspected links to such groups, though others still remain).Musk has spent recent days hyper-focused on replicating the influence campaign he has waged on U.S. politics. In addition to backing the AfD, he has injected himself into British politics, accusing Prime Minister Keir Starmer, the leader of the country’s Labour Party, of enabling child sex abuse by failing to address grooming gangs as a previous head of England and Wales’s Crown Prosecution Services, and calling for his ouster. (Starmer has defended his record, noting that he reopened the cases and was the first to prosecute the perpetrators.) Musk posted a poll on Monday asking X users whether “America should liberate the people of Britain from their tyrannical government.” Musk has also started posting in support of Tommy Robinson, an Islamaphobic far-right political activist in the U.K. who is currently in prison for repeatedly breaching court orders related to a libel case he lost; Robinson falsely claimed in Facebook videos that a Syrian refugee had “violently attack[ed] young English girls in his school.”After Nigel Farage, who leads the U.K.’s far-right Reform Party, said that he disagreed with Musk about Robinson, Musk posted: “The Reform Party needs a new leader. Farage doesn’t have what it takes.” As Musk has waged this pressure campaign, he has incessantly posted in support of the far right in Europe and their current causes célèbres. On Wednesday, he suggested that there were “Sharia Law courts” in the United Kingdom, that “UK politicians are selling your daughters for votes,” and that “Irish citizens get longer sentences than illegal immigrants. That’s messed up.”Despite Musk’s ability to become a major political figure in the U.S., it’s not clear whether his pressure campaign in Europe will work. Musk’s efforts to influence European politics are hampered by campaign regulations that curb the role of money in politics. In addition to his online campaign during the U.S. presidential election, he donated more than $250 million to help Trump, in part funding ads that ran in swing states. But in Germany, radio and TV ads can only air within a month of the election. In the U.K., national campaign spending in the 365 days prior to an election is capped at about $40 million per party. The perspective of an avaricious billionaire may not mean the same thing in Europe that it does in the U.S.: A YouGov poll in November showed that just 18 percent of people in the U.K. view Musk favorably, down from 23 percent in 2022, after he initiated his purchase of Twitter. In the U.S., by contrast, more than a third of Americans have a favorable view of Musk.Some European leaders, perhaps sensing that their constituents share a dim view of Musk, have pushed back. Starmer has accused him of spreading “lies and misformation.” Even officials in European countries who haven’t been targeted are speaking out. French President Emmanuel Macron, who recently welcomed Musk to the reopening of Paris’s Notre Dame cathedral, accused him of “supporting a new international reactionary movement and intervening directly in elections.”But even if Musk falls short of his goals of propelling AfD to power in Germany and ousting Starmer as prime minister, he’ll likely still have made some gains for the European far right. A YouGov poll from earlier this month showed the AfD polling at 21 percent, behind only the mainstream center-right party. The party has gained two points since the beginning of December, suggesting that Musk’s campaign is at least not stifling the party. Even though the AfD is a formal party, with considerable support, it’s still considered taboo in much of Germany. Every other party has agreed not to work with the AfD, effectively ostracizing it. Musk’s endorsement of the AfD “is a problem,” Miro Dittrich, a co-CEO of CeMAS, a Berlin-based nonprofit that tracks the far right, told me. “It’s seen as legitimizing them.” During the conversation with Weidel, Musk tried to sanitize and downplay the Afd’s far-right tendencies and neo-Nazi ties by accusing the media of misportraying the party, and giving Weidel space to do the same: Adolf Hiter “wasn’t a conservative, he wasn’t a libertarian,” she told Musk. “He was a Communist, Socialist guy, so full stop, no more comment on that, and we are exactly the opposite.” (Hitler, of course, was an anti-communist, anti-Semitic dictator.)Musk doesn’t need to make endorsements or post aggressively to exert his influence over Europe. Even before he attached himself to the Trump campaign, Musk had gained significant leverage over governments through Starlink, his satellite-internet service. In 2022, Musk reportedly made the decision to not provide Starlink service to Ukraine while it was launching an attack on Russian forces in Crimea, after speaking with the Russian ambassador to the United States. In September, he used the company to partially circumvent a temporary ban on X in Brazil, by refusing to block the website for Starlink customers in the country.Unless something truly intractable stands between Musk and a goal, he will relentlessly go for it, no matter how trivial or ill-advised it may be, often no matter the cost to those around him. That pattern is probably how Musk’s political ambitions will play out. Unless he gets bored, governments across the world will be forced to at least listen to his whims—especially as European leaders contend with the possibility of retaliation from the president of the United States. Perhaps a fallout between Trump and Musk is coming. Trump has reportedly started complaining about how much Musk is hanging out in Mar-a-Lago, where he pays $2,000 a night to stay at a villa to regularly dine with Trump. Still, even without the president-elect, he has the wealth and connections to exert his will on politics worldwide. Musk is here for as long as he wants to be.

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Two years ago, U.S. intelligence analysts concluded, in unusually emphatic language, that a mysterious and debilitating ailment known as “Havana syndrome” was not the handiwork of a foreign adversary wielding some kind of energy weapon. That long-awaited finding shattered an alternative theory embraced by American diplomats and intelligence officers, who said they had been victims of a deliberate, clandestine campaign by a U.S. adversary, probably Russia, that left them disabled, struggling with chronic pain, and drowning in medical bills. The intelligence report, written chiefly by the CIA, appeared to close the book on Havana syndrome.Turns out, it didn’t. New information has come to light causing some in the intelligence community to adjust their previous conclusions. And a new report reopens the possibility that a mystery weapon used by a foreign adversary caused Havana syndrome. At the White House, senior Biden-administration officials are more convinced than their colleagues in the intelligence agencies that Havana syndrome could have been the result of a deliberate attack by an American foe. The geopolitical consequences are profound, especially as a new president prepares to take office: If Russia, or any other country, were found culpable for violent attacks on U.S. government personnel, Washington would likely feel compelled to forcefully respond.Starting about a decade ago, a small number of Americans, mostly federal employees and many of them working in intelligence, reported similar experiences in Havana. In an instant, they heard a painful ringing in their ears, followed by intense pressure on their head and disorienting vertigo, which was often followed by nausea. Some of the victims developed long-term problems with fatigue or mobility. Other officials later reported similar symptoms while in Russia and other foreign countries, and many concluded that they had been the victim of a deliberate attack with some kind of acoustic weapon.Early signs of a fracturing consensus on Havana syndrome emerged this past November, when half a dozen victims—all current or former intelligence personnel—gathered in the White House Situation Room at the invitation of senior staff members on the National Security Council. The officials hosting the meeting had read the same intelligence that underpinned the earlier assessment, published in 2023, and thought that the authors had been too quick to rule out a deliberate attack. They also felt that the victims had been maligned, misled, and not given adequate medical care for their ailments, which had caused some of them to stop working, several people who attended the meeting told me. In a sign of respect, the hosts invited one man, regarded as the first known victim of Havana syndrome, to sit in a chair at the head of the Situation Room conference table, which is normally reserved for the president.[Read: The case of the sick Americans in Cuba gets stronger]The ostensible purpose of the meeting was to help write a guidebook for the incoming Trump administration on cases of “anomalous health incidents,” the anodyne label that the intelligence community has adopted for the syndrome. But the officials also had an update to share: New intelligence undercut the 2023 assessment and would leave the victims feeling “vindicated,” Maher Bitar, a senior NSC official responsible for intelligence matters, told the attendees, according to some people who were present.The attendees stressed that Bitar never disclosed any classified information, nor did he specify exactly what new intelligence had been discovered. The White House officials didn’t explicitly say a foreign power was responsible for Havana syndrome. But the victims felt that the president’s team believed that this was possibly the case, and that they intended to push the intelligence agencies to reconsider their position.Marc Polymeropoulos, a CIA officer injured in Moscow in 2017, who attended the meeting, praised the NSC as “a long-standing champion” for victims, and credited them for their doggedness. Part of what had led to the intelligence community’s earlier, decisive conclusion about Havana syndrome was the assumption that the existence of an energy weapon—a device that could cause the kind of injuries Havana-syndrome victims suffered—was implausible and not supported by evidence. But the officials and victims assembled in the Situation Room considered whether this assumption was really valid. An independent panel of experts, convened by the intelligence community, had suggested that an energy weapon could use “pulsed electromagnetic energy, particularly in the radiofrequency range” to cause these symptoms. Some NSC officials have long believed that the experts’ opinion didn’t get enough attention and was unduly overshadowed by the CIA-led report.I was briefed on that intelligence report when it was released in 2023, and at the time I was struck by how unequivocal the analysts were in their judgments. In my experience, analysts are reluctant to draw definitive conclusions and try to leave some wiggle room. The analysts in this case were more declarative than any I’d ever heard.However, they did allow that the intelligence community remained open to new ideas and evidence that might emerge. For example, if a foreign adversary were seen making progress developing an energy weapon, or the technology to build one, that might change analysts' thinking.That appears to have happened. Today, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence released an update to the 2023 report. The intelligence agencies aren’t saying a foreign actor is to blame for Havana syndrome. But they are no longer so confident that one is not. [Read: How the U.S.-Russian relationship went bad]Two intelligence agencies have now “shifted their judgment to reflect a greater possibility” that a small number of cases indeed were “caused by a foreign actor,” an intelligence official told reporters in a briefing. The agencies have examined new information that “foreign actors”—he didn’t say which—“are making progress in scientific research and weapons development.”One of these intelligence agencies—again, he didn’t name them—determined that the chances that a foreign actor has used some novel weapon, or a prototype, to harm a small number of U.S. government personnel or their family members are “roughly even” with the odds that one had not. The other agency identified a “roughly even chance” that a foreign actor has developed a weapon that could have harmed people, but determined that any such device was unlikely to have been deployed yet.This change may seem subtle. But it is significant. To move from the earlier position that no weapon existed, and no deliberate campaign targeted American personnel, to a 50–50 chance that these things might have happened, is a remarkable if narrow development. Five of the seven agencies that contributed to the report did not change their position, so the shift reflects a minority opinion. Sources close to the issue told me that one of the agencies that changed its tune is the National Security Agency, suggesting that intercepted communications may have revealed something about this “foreign actor’s” research efforts.White House staffers and a few intelligence agencies aren’t the only ones who think there’s more to the Havana-syndrome story than previously understood. Last month, Republican Representative Rick Crawford released another report following an investigation by the House Intelligence Committee. The intelligence agencies’ conclusion that “foreign adversaries aren’t responsible for targeting U.S. personnel [is] dubious at best and misleading at worst,” the report said.The Trump administration will have to decide how to respond to the new analysis, if at all. Concern about foreign attacks, and particularly care for victims—regardless of who or what made them sick— has broad bipartisan appeal. But in the closing days of the Biden administration, intelligence officials are making clear that they aren’t all on the same page.

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