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Waking up to the election results on Wednesday, many Americans who opposed Donald Trump may have felt inclined to resent their neighbors. How could more than 70 million of them vote for a convicted felon who had hobnobbed with a fascist, showed little respect for the country’s institutions or alliances, and couldn’t even promise not to rule as a dictator? Some foreign observers on social media seemed to react similarly, seeing in Trump the worst traits of American caricatures: egomania, narcissism, chauvinism, carelessness.But these prejudices were unfair on November 4, and they are still unfair on November 8. Yes, Trump is a true native son of this country, and some of its worst tendencies have allowed him to flourish. And yes, those who care about the future of the United States have every right to be worried about the trends he has unleashed or exploited—authoritarianism, misogyny, conspiracism.And yet: This country has always been a big, beautiful land of contradictions. As an Iranian Canadian socialist who moved here from Europe in 2017, I hear my share of anti-American chatter from left-leaning Middle Easterners, Canadians, and Europeans. Many seize on simple stories about America as a land of hyper-capitalism, violence, racism, and imperialism—and such stories are not in short supply. The United States remains the world’s only developed country not to have public health care. It is by far the world’s biggest military power. And expressions of racial animus can be loud, deadly, and persistent.[Jennifer Senior: Focus on the things that matter]But to reduce America to these clichés is to miss much that is extraordinary. This same country of megalomaniac capitalism is home to public libraries and research universities that are the envy of many European social democracies—institutions tended by millions of Americans deeply committed to their survival. Those who imagine America as a country of racists perhaps haven’t actually visited its small towns, where mosques, Hindu temples, and gurdwaras prosper next to churches and synagogues. In this supposedly immigrant-hating country, Trump banned entry to the residents of seven Muslim countries in 2017—only for thousands of Americans to show up at airports in protest. Thousands more Americans staff immigrant-rights groups. For a narcissistic country, the United States has a lot of excellent public museums that acknowledge historical injustice and encourage self-reflection.This country got its start as a naively daring social experiment already riven with contradictions. A group of European slave owners on ethnically cleansed land pledged to establish a nation whose self-evident truth was the equality of all. And yet, what they founded was a breathtakingly dynamic republic whose tree of creativity has never ceased leafing. The hopes vested in the United States have been sometimes vindicated, sometimes dashed. Chattel slavery endured here long after it was eradicated in Britain. But in 1860, Americans did elect a president who brought about its abolition at the end of a bloody civil war. The postwar promise of Reconstruction gave way to Dixiecrat rule and Jim Crow, but the American civil-rights movement of the 1960s was to become the most inspiring example of civil disobedience of its era, encapsulated in the call of Martin Luther King Jr. for the United States to “live up to the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truth to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”American actions abroad have also been contested and contradictory. In the Philippines, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, Washington played the role of imperial power. The same Washington helped establish the League of Nations in an effort to end all war—before the U.S. Senate refused to join it, undermining its efficacy. The United States first vowed to stay out of World War II, then joined the Allies to help defeat fascism on the beaches of Normandy and the plains of Manchuria. After the war, the United States helped establish democracies in Japan and West Germany—during the same era in which it took part in organizing an antidemocratic coup in Iran.[Listen: Are we living in a different America?]The essence of America has always been the battle over its essence. No one election has ever determined its complete or permanent nature, and that is as true now as it was in 1860 and 1876. If today’s America is the America of Donald Trump, it is also the America of those who would stand up to him.Don’t give up on this beautiful country. Its best traditions are now in danger, and no special genius of constitutional design will automatically keep them intact. In the hands of a president who may wish to model himself on Vladimir Putin, democratic institutions will be tested like never before. Americans will have to fight to safeguard them at every level of government. Daunting as this task may be, I have faith that Americans will rise to it. Trump may be the Founders’ nightmare, but their dreams can still outlive him.

After Donald Trump won the 2016 presidential election, Barack Obama dutifully carried out the peaceful transfer of power. But a large faction of Americans declined to treat Trump as a president with democratic legitimacy. In their telling, he lost the popular vote, urged foreign actors to interfere in the election, broke laws, and transgressed against the unwritten rules of liberal societies. So they fancied themselves members of the “resistance,” or waged lawfare, or urged the invocation of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment. Immediately after Trump’s inauguration, liberal groups started to push for his impeachment and removal from office.Now Trump is returning to the White House. But history isn’t quite repeating itself. This time, Trump’s case for democratic legitimacy is far stronger. He won the Electoral College decisively, and he appears likely to win the popular vote. No one believes that a foreign nation was responsible for his victory. Although he still has legal problems stemming from his past actions, no one alleges illegality in this campaign. For all of those reasons and more, a 2016-style resistance to Trump is now untenable. He will begin his term as a normal president.A small faction of Trump detractors may continue to say that he is illegitimate, because they believe that he should have been convicted during his impeachment, or because they see his attempts to overturn his election loss in 2020 as disqualifying, or because they believe he is a fascist.[Read: What can women do now?]But that approach will be less popular than ever, even among Trump opponents, because an opposition that purports to defend democracy cannot deny legitimacy to such a clear democratic winner; because the original resistance oversold enough of its allegations to diminish its ability to make new ones without proof; because some in the resistance are exhausted from years of obsessive, at times hysterical, focus on Trump; and because unaligned Americans who don’t even like Trump are tired of being browbeaten for not hating him enough.Maybe voters made a terrible mistake in 2024. But that’s a risk of democracy, so we must live with it. I have strong doubts about Trump’s character, his respect for the Constitution, and his judgment. I worry that his administration will engage in reckless spending and cruelty toward immigrants. Having opposed government overreach and civil-liberties abuses during every presidency I’ve covered, I anticipate having a lot of libertarian objections to Trump in coming years.Yet a part of me is glad that, if Trump had to win, the results are clear enough to make Resistance 2.0 untenable, because that approach failed to stop Trump the first time around. It deranged many Americans who credulously believed all of the resistance’s claims, and it foreclosed a posture toward Trump that strikes me as more likely to yield good civic results: normal political opposition.The American system makes effecting radical or reckless change hard.As a Never Trump voter who thought January 6 was disqualifying but who respects the results of this election, I urge this from fellow Trump skeptics: Stop indulging the fantasy that outrage, social stigma, language policing, a special counsel, the Twenty-Fifth Amendment, or impeachment will disappear him. And stop talking as if normal political opposition is capitulation. Everyone should normalize Trump. If he does something good, praise him. Trump is remarkably susceptible to flattery. Don’t hesitate to criticize him when he does something bad, but avoid overstatements. They are self-discrediting. And know that new House elections are just two years away. Focus on offering a better alternative to voters, not ousting the person they chose.Meanwhile, oppose Trump’s bad ideas by drawing on the normal tools Americans use to constrain all presidents. Our constitutional and civic checks on executive power are formidable, frustrating every administration. So be the John Boehner to his Obama. Even if ill intent exists in Trump’s inscrutable mind, his coalition does not wish to end democracy. Some will turn on the president when he merely has trouble fulfilling basic promises.And in America, power remains dispersed––the left never succeeded in shortsighted efforts to end the filibuster, or to destroy federalism and states’ rights, or to strip the private sector of independence from the state, or to allow the executive branch to define and police alleged misinformation.Until 2028, normal checks can constrain Trump. Then he will term out. Yes, he will almost certainly do some troubling things in the meantime: impose tariffs that will harm Americans with rising prices or carry out excessive deportations that needlessly harm families and communities. But he has a mandate for some lawful parts of his agenda, including parts that I personally hate.[Thomas Chatterton Williams: What the left keeps getting wrong]Amid the give-and-take of democratic politics, I hope that Trump will normalize himself too. Through what he says and does, he could reassure voters who regard him as a fascist with dictatorial aspirations, rather than deploying rhetoric—let alone taking actions—that elicit reasonable concern or fear. He may even try reassurance, if only because it would be in his own self-interest.A Trump who reassures the nation that he will adhere to the law, the Constitution, and basic human decency—and then does so—will inspire a lot less opposition than a Trump who indulges the excesses of his first term and reminds Americans why they rejected his bid in 2020.“We’re going to help our country heal,” Trump promised on Election Night. He has all the power he needs to make good on that promise, which will require restraining his worst impulses. If he succeeds, he will earn a historical legacy far better than the one he has today. I doubt that he has it in him. Typically, his word is not his bond. But I hope that he proves me wrong.

"LeBron focuses a lot on recovery, which is crucial if you want to perform at your full power and live a long time," Dave Asprey, an entrepreneur and author known as "the father of biohacking," told The Post.

Will McDonald IV was a man on a mission over the offseason, and the mission is greatness. McDonald hired a chef and one trainer for strength and one for agility and his breakout season has him third in the NFL in sacks (eight) behind Trey Hendrickson (11) and Dexter Lawrence (nine). It allows Will McDonald...

Before you get too excited about the holiday deals flooding your in-box, do the math. More often than not, a retailer’s discounts come with expensive caveats.

President-elect Donald Trump speaks during an election night event at the Palm Beach Convention Center on November 6, 2024, in West Palm Beach, Florida. | Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images A Vox reader writes: “Trump can’t run for a third term, right? (Yes, we know what the Constitution says … but he really, truly can’t run for a third term, right??)” President-elect Donald Trump has won his second — and final — term in office.  While Trump has joked about pursuing a third term and has a penchant for promoting authoritarian ideas, he’s barred from running again by the 22nd Amendment of the US Constitution. To run for a third term, he’d have to repeal that amendment, and that would be difficult. Undoing a constitutional amendment requires an overwhelming level of support from Congress and state legislatures, support he would be unable to obtain.  When asked if there were legal loopholes or other ways for a president to get around the 22nd Amendment, Stanford University Law Professor Michael McConnell, a specialist in constitutional law, had a definitive answer.  “No. There are none. This will be his last run for president,” McConnell told Vox.  What the 22nd Amendment says The 22nd Amendment firmly limits presidents to two successful runs and applies equally to those elected to consecutive terms and those, like Trump, who are elected to nonconsecutive terms. It states the following:  “No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice, and no person who has held the office of President, or acted as President, for more than two years of a term to which some other person was elected President shall be elected to the office of the President more than once.” The amendment was ratified in 1951 and came after years of both parties calling for term limits for the presidency.  While President George Washington set a precedent for only holding two terms in office, President Franklin D. Roosevelt later became the first and only commander-in-chief to serve additional terms. Roosevelt was ultimately elected to four terms in office, though he passed away during his last term in 1945.  Following Roosevelt’s tenure, there were growing calls to establish term limits for future presidents, leading to Congress’s approval of the 22nd Amendment and states’ subsequent ratification.  Why it’s so hard to roll back the 22nd Amendment The thresholds for approving a constitutional amendment and for repealing it are exceedingly high.  There are two ways to go about rolling back an amendment. The first would require two-thirds of both the House – 290 members – and the Senate – 67 members – to agree to do so. Once they did so, three-fourths of all states – 38 – would then also have to agree.  These thresholds would be impossible for Trump to meet given Democratic opposition, and there would likely be some Republican outcry as well. While Republicans are poised to retake Senate control, they’ll fall far short of the two-thirds majority required for such a vote. If the GOP attains control of the House, they’d similarly fall far short of the two-thirds majority needed there. Additionally, at least 17 states have voted for Vice President Kamala Harris, signaling that they’d be unlikely to support any such amendment. That’s more than the one-fourth of states Trump could afford to lose should he somehow succeed in getting the amendment overturned by Congress. A second means of repealing an Amendment would require holding a Constitutional Convention, which two-thirds of states – 34 – would have to support. Any amendments proposed at such a Convention would still need ratification from three-fourths of states – 38.  This option would face the same opposition from Democrat-leaning states as the first one.  Since the amendment was first approved, there have been numerous proposals in Congress raised to repeal it, though they have all languished due to lack of support.  The amendment is crystal clear Experts say there aren’t really any realistic options for Trump to try to bypass the 22nd Amendment.  Theoretically, the 22nd Amendment doesn’t prevent a former president who has already served two terms from becoming vice president in a subsequent term. As vice president, that person could then potentially ascend to the presidency if the president on the ticket stepped down.  “It could theoretically happen, but it isn’t going to happen,” says McConnell, who added that it’s a “silly thing to worry about.” Efforts to challenge the amendment in court are also moot.  The Supreme Court does not have the basis to overturn the 22nd Amendment, according to legal experts.  Per UCLA law professor Adam Winkler, any challenge to a constitutional amendment would likely rest on arguments that the procedure used to approve the amendment was faulty in some way.  That’s “impossible” in this case, says Winkler, given how this amendment has been settled for more than seven decades.  Winkler notes the Supreme Court could try to interpret the 22nd Amendment to say that it only applies to presidents who have served consecutive terms, but even that would be a stretch based on its text. Any effort to declare the amendment unconstitutional by the Court would run into the problem of the amendment being part of the Constitution, notes McConnell. “By definition, the Constitution cannot be unconstitutional,” he says.  Overall, as Georgetown law professor Abbe Smith explained when asked if Trump could vie for a third term, it’s pretty simple: “Short answer: There is no way.”  As such, Trump’s recent run is set to be his final one. 

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