Fox News Digital Sports' college football winners and losers: Week 5

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The Rams had some highlights as a team and individually, but the visitors settled for too many field goals in a 24-18 loss to the Bears at Soldier Field.

NewsmaxDonald Trump on Sunday called for “one really violent day” to address crime in America.Speaking at a rally in Erie, Pennsylvania, the former president falsely claimed that crime has gone “through the roof” and that the phenomenon was “largely because of migrant crime.” He then proposed a solution which sounded disturbingly similar to The Purge—the dystopian 2013 movie in which violence is legalized for a brief window as a means of addressing crime—in which law enforcement would be temporarily permitted to get “real rough.”Trump—who was convicted of 34 felony counts this year—said it wasn’t just migrants contributing to the purported crimewave; he also complained about thieves targeting New York City drug stores, causing retailers to secure their products in glass cases. “See, we have to let the police do their job, and if they have to be extraordinarily rough…” he said to applause.Read more at The Daily Beast.

Google, Meta and their Big Tech allies have stoked outrage on both sides of the aisle in a desperate scramble to derail the Kids Online Safety Act – and critics say it’s a cynical attempt to protect their profits at the expense of minors.

The Chargers were shorthanded on offense and defense and still gave the Chiefs all they could handle, but could not come through in the clutch again.

Democrats believe political newcomer Janelle Stelson, a longtime local TV anchor, may be able to unseat six-term GOP Rep. Scott Perry.

Judge Anita Josey-Herring reflects on challenges and successes during as her time as chief judge of D.C. Superior Court comes to an end.

A longshoremen’s strike will rekindle worries about shortages in stores and inflation weeks from a presidential election in which the economy has been a key issue.

Young voters still not won over by Vice President Kamala Harris should look to history to see what happens when autocrats are elected.

The bill allows alcohol to be served until 4 a.m. to dues-paying members of private suites inside Intuit Dome, the $2-billion new home of the Los Angeles Clippers.

Familiar tune for the Chargers, who are very competitive with Justin Herbert at the helm but as usual are shorthanded because of injuries and lose to Chiefs.

Upset that life is worse now than it was before 2020? You can put part of the blame on Trump's failed pandemic policies.

It's still the economy. Whether Kamala Harris or Donald Trump will be president is up to a few million undecided voters in swing states. Guess what they care about.

Negotiations between longshoremen and port operators broke down in June and the two sides have barely been speaking. The current contract expires at midnight Monday.

Pet cemeteries, spooky escape rooms, a séance aboard a 1930s luxury liner and more await you this Halloween season.

Two veteran CBS News journalists will put the vice presidential candidates to the test in New York on Tuesday.

The roots of breaking are strong on Venice Beach as the Red Bull BC One USA Championships arrive on the heels of a controversial showing at the Paris Olympics.

When the Lakers hired JJ Redick, they entered a partnership with a pioneer of basketball’s alternate realities of the internet. For him, that's in the past.

Filthy conditions, aging equipment and haphazard cleaning at the Jarratt, Va., plant may have made some of its products microbial time bombs waiting to explode.

Liberal author Fran Lebowitz urged President Biden to "dissolve" the Supreme Court before leaving office, calling it "not even a court" on "Real Time."

Climate change is exacerbating the risk of potentially dangerous mosquito-borne diseases in California — threatening to turn more of those annoying-but-harmless bites into severe illnesses, experts say.

How a scrappy podcast forged by a stand-up comedy power couple grew into a network that surpassed everyone's expectations.

The shock rocker's return has sparked outrage from abuse survivors and activists who are aghast that Manson is performing in arenas again.

When JD Vance and Tim Walz meet to debate Tuesday, families hope they talk about the child tax credit, paid family leave and child-care affordability.

Another hillside home has been defaced in L.A. This Bel-Air mansion was designed by a famed architect and occupied by a Hollywood producer and a Bin Laden.

A new teaching credential is centering social and emotional development and playful learning in transitional kindergarten as it prepares the next wave of teachers.

From Kamala Harris' pantsuits to Olympic gymnasts' foregoing leotards for unitards, women's clothing choices say something about this moment in history.

Gov. Gavin Newsom said he seeks to balance his desire to preserve California’s role as the vanguard of technology against his job to shield society from potential harm, particularly around rapidly growing artificial intelligence, during bill-signing season at the state Capitol.

Yes, humans can beat back Mother Nature, for better or worse. A resident of Rancho Palos Verdes says her home in the landslide area is just fine.

How do I make this happen?

Nothing stops a runner in their tracks like a throbbing knee or an aching shin.

Activist Hadley Duvall, 22, speaks at a Harris-Walz Fighting for Reproductive Freedom press conference at the Pennsylvania State Capitol in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on September 18, 2024. | Nathan Morris/NurPhoto via Getty Images In some ways, there have never been more dollars flowing into abortion rights organizing, with philanthropies finally stepping up and more Americans activated over freedoms they previously doubted were really at stake. With hundreds of candidates vying for office and abortion rights on the ballot in 10 states, advocates have been busy raising money to spend through November. In June, the ACLU pledged more than $25 million to protect abortion rights; this was followed by $40 million weeks later from Planned Parenthood, then another $100 million from a new coalition of national groups.  But even as money flows toward protecting abortion rights, the financial burden of accessing abortion services has grown more severe, as bans force people to travel further and delay procedures until they are riskier and more expensive.  This strain is overwhelming the nation’s 100 abortion funds, which are mostly volunteer-led organizations that help people end unwanted pregnancies by paying for their abortions as well as practical support like travel costs — and the tab for this kind of aid quickly adds up.  Though cheaper methods to safely end a pregnancy have emerged over the past two years, many abortion seekers lack knowledge of these new, more affordable options. Funds and clinics also don’t always provide clear guidance on alternatives, driven by a mix of financial and legal self-interest, as well as a belief that in-person abortion care should be prioritized.  “What we’re seeing is patients are very comfortable embracing telemedicine as an option, but people within our movement have not been as flexible,” said Julie Kay, the co-founder of the Abortion Coalition for Telemedicine, which formed in 2022 after the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade.  This past year, abortion funds say they’re fighting for their lives, unable to raise enough money to meet demand. A few are fundraising with new state-level partners, but increasingly, funds have had to tell callers they’ve run out of resources, leaving people to scramble for other options or carry unwanted pregnancies to term. In general, all the money flowing to the 2024 election in the name of reproductive rights feels very siloed from their work paying for abortions, said Alisha Dingus, the development director at the DC Abortion Fund.  “There is an alarming disconnect between abortion funds … and large national organizations that are advocating for access,” a group of over 30 funds wrote collectively in the Nation in early August. “The national organizations … fundraise endlessly, siphon support from institutional funders and grassroots donors, capitalize on the Dobbs rage donations, and funnel that money into campaign bank accounts.” Another challenge is messaging. Abortion funds have always positioned themselves as more radical and unapologetic when it comes to abortion care, priding themselves on avoiding stigmatizing language, whether that’s by using gender-neutral terms or elevating stories of people ending unwanted pregnancies for no traumatic, exceptional reason.  But given the increasingly desperate funding environment, these activists are being forced now to reconsider how they appeal to a public that is broadly supportive of reproductive rights but is still more moderate on abortion.  “In my experience on ballot campaigns, abortion funds have been incredibly challenging as partners in states that weren’t blue,” one leader involved with multiple post-Roe ballot measures, who requested anonymity to speak candidly, told Vox. “If you’re only communicating in very extreme messaging about abortion access, you’re not broadening your base of donors, you’re just talking to the 12 people who already agree with you. A lot of people who would love to donate to funds and probably don’t understand the need are turned off before they even get in the door by the language and behavior.” These kinds of criticisms vex Dingus, who wrestles with whether abortion funds should be more “acceptable and digestible” to the public, as she put it. “I came from a more traditional philanthropy space where you had to make sure you never hurt anyone’s feelings or made anyone angry because you might lose a dollar,” she said. “Abortion funds I’ve always found to be more liberated spaces where we can speak truth to power and push for change and not have to worry about one funder here or one funder there. But we are also seeing the reality of people not getting the care they need, people are going to be forced to give birth, so I think it’s tough.” Tensions are rising within the movement as disagreements over a scarce resource — money — intensify. These battles among leaders reflect practical and ideological divisions about the future of abortion access and underscore the messy, unsettled questions that loom over activists more than two years after Americans lost their national right to end a pregnancy.  The 2024 election is dominating abortion-related donations When it comes to donations this year, it’s mostly going to one place.Despite earlier concern that abortion rights ballot measures would struggle to raise enough money, organizers say those fears have mostly not been realized, and tens of millions of dollars are flowing into the state contests as the election draws near. These contests are “expensive and high-impact,” said Kelly Hall, the executive director of the Fairness Project, a national progressive group. “We are very grateful that organizations and in-state donors are seeing the opportunity with state ballot measures and are investing the resources that are needed to win.” One newer member of the abortion rights political ecosystem is the House Majority PAC’s Reproductive Freedom Accountability Fund, a $100 million investment to mobilize voters in swing districts sympathetic to abortion rights. “In 2022, 42 percent of our ads mentioned abortion, and I think it will be that much again if not higher,” said C.J. Warnke, a spokesperson for the congressional PAC. Still, making sense of the amount of abortion-rights money flowing into political campaigns can be difficult. Some lower-profile elections, like two high court contests in Arizona, have struggled to raise money, despite their importance for reproductive rights. And in June Planned Parenthood, one of the largest abortion rights advocacy groups,  announced it would be spending $40 million during the 2024 cycle, less than the group spent in either of the previous two election cycles. Their announcement came shortly after it announced it would also need to reduce its subsidies for abortion care through its Justice Fund program. Planned Parenthood says it can spend less simply because other organizations are spending more and because candidates themselves are more emboldened on reproductive rights. But elections are more expensive now and there are more political contests to fund than during the midterms, so the explanation is puzzling.  (The group also declined to share details of its Justice Fund or to direct patient assistance broadly, citing “disclosure policy” restrictions.)  In some ways, this is likely to be the last big year for spending on abortion rights ballot measures, simply because there aren’t many additional states that allow for such citizen initiatives. “It’s not an either-or” on funding, said Ashley All, who led the communications strategy for the winning Kansas abortion rights ballot measure in 2022. “We have to do these ballot campaigns because if we don’t then people will lose access to care.” Still, while national activists and fundraisers are spinning things in a more positive light, emphasizing that more money will be available to fund direct services soon, many local abortion fund leaders are skeptical things will really improve financially when election season ends.  According to Lexis Dotson-Dufault, executive director of the Abortion Fund of Ohio, no new donors contributed to the organization following the passage of Issue 1, the abortion rights ballot measure that prevailed in Ohio last year by a 13-point margin.  “We have seen nothing but an increase in need and we got no new funders from Issue 1,” she told Vox. “In 2022, we saw about 1,200 folks, in 2023 we saw about 4,500, and this year so far between February and August we’ve seen almost 4,000 people.” Dingus, of the DC Abortion Fund, said election season has made their financial challenges more difficult. “It’s tough to see, not just the ballot measures but the Zooms for Harris that raised millions of dollars in 30 minutes,” she said. “It can be really demoralizing to see that and then look at our budgets and know we continually have to cut back and maybe will have to get rid of staff.” Cheryl Wolf, an organizer with Cascades Abortion Support Collective in Portland, Oregon, said it’s been hard to convince the public that donating to small local funds over large political campaigns is a more reliable way to ensure their money directly supports abortion care.“When they make their donations to national organizations, so much of it goes to overhead, salary, campaigning, advertising,” she told Vox. “Rather than directly into the hands of abortion seekers.” This pressure has all been exacerbated by recent national funding cuts; since July, the National Abortion Federation, along with Planned Parenthood, announced they’d only be able to subsidize up to 30 percent of abortion costs, down from their previous cap of 50 percent.  Wolf described these cuts from the National Abortion Federation as “detrimental,” particularly because most of the collective’s money comes from small one-time or monthly donations from individuals. “We are definitely not raising enough,” she added, noting they bring in about $500 every month and spend about $9,000. “We’re definitely looking at running out of money in the next couple months if we don’t have some kind of miracle.”  As travel costs rise, some abortion rights leaders say the movement has been too focused on elevating travel for those living in states with bans.  Kay, of the Abortion Coalition for Telemedicine, formed her more critical perspective while working in Ireland when abortion was criminalized. “The Irish solution to abortion bans was travel, but not everyone has the privilege or means to travel,” she said. “It’s alienating, stigmatizing, and expensive.” Prioritizing travel today, Kay thinks, reflects a movement that hasn’t “pivoted to the reality of what we’re living in now” with more options and more restrictions. A difference of philosophy — and why it matters Across the abortion rights movement, leaders are grappling with how best to engage voters and donors while also debating how much compromise is acceptable in the pursuit of broader support. In 2023, when Ohio activists were pushing for an abortion rights ballot measure, leaders with the Abortion Fund of Ohio were frustrated by compromises these ballot measure activists were willing to make. “I’m not really ever into hearing things about trimester limits or viability standards, or hearing language that’s very trauma-focused,” said Dotson-Dufault. “Something I say is a lot of the reason you feel the need to use that type of language is because we haven’t been doing the deep community destigmatization work.”  In other states, abortion fund staff and volunteers are experiencing similar discomfort. In South Dakota, a local abortion fund has publicly criticized the abortion rights ballot measure citizens will be voting on this November, even as the red state has a near-total abortion ban. Other funds are wrestling with messaging choices. “A lot of campaigns like Yes on 4 [the Florida abortion rights ballot measure] use gendered language, while we always use ‘pregnant people’ or ‘people who are pregnant,’” said Bree Wallace, the director of case management at the Tampa Bay Abortion Fund. When I asked Brittany Fonteno, the president and CEO of the National Abortion Federation, how her organization balances their more bold, progressive rhetoric with their recent funding cuts to local affiliates, she said it comes down to “investing time and energy in educating people, and helping them to evolve their own perspective.” Fonteno then cited her own journey growing up in a more conservative and religious environment, and her path to abandoning abortion stigma. “It took time for me to evolve and become someone who is not pro-choice but pro-abortion, pro-reproductive freedom,” she said.  Yet rejection of terms like “pro-choice” from activists like Fonteno stands in sharp contrast to how most Americans who support reproductive rights feel about it. Election pollsters have also found that some of the most effective abortion rights-related messages with voters are the same ones that activists argue are too gendered, stigmatizing, and patronizing (like that the decision to end a pregnancy should be “between a woman and her doctor” or that “victims of rape and incest would be forced to give birth.”) In 2022, under pressure from activists, the House Pro-Choice Caucus circulated new talking points that warned “choice” is “harmful language” for reproductive rights, and should be replaced with the “helpful” alternative of “decision.” This generated some ridicule, but other aides and leaders were upset that activists would seek to ditch the well-known and popular “pro-choice” label at such a high-visibility moment, and without real survey research to support it. There are no simple answers to the movement’s future direction, though progressive activists rightly note that public opinion is increasingly shifting in favor of abortion rights. Some activists are wary about prematurely abandoning the long-held goal of restoring accessible in-person clinic care nationwide, while others worry that leaders’ refusal to adapt to new realities will come at the expense of pregnant people. Wallace, of the Tampa Bay Abortion Fund, said that after Roe v. Wade was overturned, her fund received 755,000 individual donations, but by 2023, that number fell to 272,000. “People are donating more toward the election and Yes on 4 right now, and we all want Yes on 4 to pass, but people don’t understand that even if it does, people still don’t have money for abortion, people still don’t have ways of traveling to their appointments,” she said. “Next year is going to be all about holding people to account.” 

During a year of conflict in the Middle East, Israel and the Palestinians have bled while Iran and its regional allies have benefited at virtually no cost. Now Israel appears to have reshaped the landscape with its devastating war on Iran’s most powerful proxy, Hezbollah, in Lebanon. Hezbollah’s leadership is decimated, its command and control in disarray, and its intelligence and inner workings thoroughly penetrated, exposed, and vulnerable. Its personnel and heavy equipment are being degraded on a daily basis. Tehran’s strategy of relying on Hezbollah and other militant groups to provide an Arab-forward defense against Israeli or American attacks on Iran’s homeland or nuclear facilities appears to be failing, potentially decisively.Hezbollah is entirely a creature of Tehran, unlike Hamas and the Houthis, which, though backed by Iran, were not founded under the Islamic Republic’s tutelage and have religious and political differences with it. Established in the immediate aftermath of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982 and developed during the 18-year occupation that ended in May 2000, Hezbollah was the first Iranian-controlled militia in the Arab world, providing a model that Tehran has successfully replicated in Iraq, Syria, and elsewhere.[Read: ‘It’s an earthquake’]As such, Hezbollah has defined its regional role almost entirely around Iran’s objectives. From 2015 to 2017, for example, Hezbollah was the most effective ground force in Syria, propping up the regime of President Bashar al-Assad, Iran’s ally. Under Hassan Nasrallah, the leader killed in an Israeli strike on Friday in Beirut, Hezbollah became the driving ideological force within Iran’s so-called Axis of Resistance in the Arab world.Nasrallah’s role expanded after the 2020 U.S. assassination of Qassem Soleimani, the charismatic head of Iran’s Quds Force, which is responsible for coordinating militias abroad. Soleimani’s replacement proved far less inspiring in the Arab world. Nasrallah stepped into the breach, demonstrating a remarkable rhetorical prowess and willingness to bring ideological and strategic coherence to an unwieldy network of forces that do not always share the same goals. Nasrallah coined the phrase unity of fronts to suggest that the various Iran-backed militias would all act together in relative harmony and coherence, or at least mutual support, even when their interests diverged.As useful as this framing has been, it may also have proved to be a fatal miscalculation—literally—for Nasrallah and other Hezbollah leaders since October 7. Some reports suggest that, in the summer of 2023, Hamas officials floated the prospect of an offensive against the Jewish state to Hezbollah and Iranian leaders. Hezbollah and Iran apparently took the conversation as aspirational and vague rather than as a specific plan. When Hamas attacked southern Israel from the Gaza Strip on October 7, Hezbollah therefore faced a crisis.Nasrallah’s rhetoric of unity, along with Hezbollah’s longtime encouragement of Hamas’s fight against Israel, left the Lebanese group vulnerable to Hamas’s demand for assistance in the new war. But this was not Hezbollah’s assignment from Iran. Gaza has no strategic, religious, historic, or cultural significance for Iran or Hezbollah. Hamas, a Sunni group, fits very awkwardly into Iran’s otherwise almost entirely Shiite alliance. Indeed, Hamas and Iran were on opposing sides in the war in Syria, leading to a rift that lasted many years.Although answering Hamas’s call in earnest was out of the question, Hezbollah, given Nasrallah’s previous rhetoric, felt it had to do something. Eventually, Nasrallah promised to intensify his organization’s struggle against Israel, but only along the Israel-Lebanon border. In the weeks following October 7, Hezbollah fired more rockets than usual in that area, but in most cases within de facto rules mutually accepted by Hezbollah and Israel: Tolerable engagement included attacks that occurred within a mile or so of the border, were aimed at military targets, and caused limited casualties. Hezbollah’s rocket attacks gradually escalated, reaching farther into Israeli territory. On some occasions, the brinkmanship with flying bombs proved lethal for civilians, most notably when 12 Druze teenagers and children were killed in an errant Hezbollah missile strike in the Israeli-annexed Golan Heights in August.In the past year, even the most cautious Israeli leaders began to see advantages to a major offensive against Hezbollah. By degrading and humiliating the Lebanese group, Israel could inflict a heavy price on Iran and its regional network. Israel’s willingness to court a broader conflict gave it “escalation dominance,” the ability to control the pace and intensity of the confrontation. When Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu declared at the United Nations General Assembly meeting last week that Israel is “winning,” he was alluding to this dynamic. At least in the short run, Israel has achieved its goals of inflicting a heavy price on Iran and restoring the reputation of its own security services, which had been publicly discredited by their failure to prevent the October 7 attack.[Read: Israel tries for a knockout blow]Indeed, recent events have showcased Israel’s extraordinary ability to gather human intelligence within Iran and Hezbollah. The July assassination of Ismail Haniyeh, Hamas’s chief diplomat and titular political leader, was a startling demonstration: Israeli agents managed to place a bomb in a key Iranian-intelligence safe house in Tehran and then detonate it months later when Haniyeh and his personal bodyguard were alone in the house—thereby avoiding Iranian casualties that would have further escalated tensions. In another stunning coup, Israeli agents succeeded in placing explosives in thousands of pagers procured on the black market by Hezbollah, all of which were detonated simultaneously in mid-September. The next day, a smaller group of walkie-talkies exploded at once. Nearly 3,000 Hezbollah operatives or associates, along with numerous civilians and several children, were killed or maimed in the two incidents.In recent months, Israel has shown the ability to kill key Hezbollah leaders almost at will, including the military chief of staff Fuad Shukr in July; his successor, Ibrahim Aqil, earlier this month; and now Nasrallah himself. Israel could not have arranged all of this solely by intercepting the militant group’s communications. Israeli intelligence has infiltrated Iran and Hezbollah far more deeply than it has Hamas, whose leader, Yahya Sinwar, apparently remains unharmed in Gaza.Hezbollah is now caught in a trap of its own making. It sought to have a limited border confrontation with Israel to maintain its credibility as a “resistance” organization, but not an all-out war. Israel called its bluff, and now the group is in profound disarray. Hezbollah could tacitly sue for peace by stopping rocket attacks across the Israeli border. That would hand another victory to Netanyahu, who could claim that he has restored security to northern communities by force. Even though those areas will remain vulnerable as long as Israel is enmeshed in an endless two-front war against Hezbollah and Hamas, the illusion of security through unyielding confrontation with all neighboring adversaries is a primary goal of the current Israeli government.The Iranian regime, meanwhile, may have to rethink its fundamental strategy toward opposing Israel and ensuring its own survival. Its Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps has considerable experience establishing and running foreign militias and will presumably help Hezbollah rebuild. Although the group might never regain the regional authority it developed under Nasrallah, it may feel comfortable returning to its origins as a guerrilla organization fighting Israel with limited means. Given Hezbollah’s fealty to Iran’s interests, it will almost certainly pursue this path if that’s the instruction from Tehran. Regardless, Tehran’s confidence in the group as the centerpiece of its forward defenses has surely waned. Iranian leaders will likely focus on a dual strategy of moving steadily toward nuclear weaponization while trying to negotiate sanctions relief, if possible, with Washington.[Read: Hezbollah’s long war is with America too]The United States will also face a dilemma if Israel concludes, after battering Iran’s defenses in Lebanon, that now is the time for a decisive strike against Iran’s nuclear sites. Because many key facilities are heavily defended and, in some cases, buried deep underground, Israel may not possess the conventional firepower to cause much damage but might calculate that the U.S., with its far greater arsenal, would ultimately feel obliged to join the effort. Washington has lost control of Israel’s strategic calculations, if it ever had any, but remains committed to Israel’s security.Although Israel appears to have prevailed decisively in the short term, the long-term equation is likely to yield no winners. Israel remains mired in guerrilla conflicts. The U.S. is trying to prevent Iran from going nuclear but lacks leverage to achieve that without military intervention. Iran’s regional strategy has proved fundamentally ineffective and woefully vulnerable to a determined Israeli pushback. The potential risks are enormous. With Iranian acquiescence, Hezbollah could decide to unleash its remaining stockpile of missiles—out of vengeance, a desire to “restore deterrence,” or a simple instinct to use it or lose it.All of the parties involved have been playing a dangerous game since October 7. The question is whether any of them have the wisdom to now pull back from the brink.

The way this nutty, up-and-down Mets season is going, it’s only right it’s going extras.

Lawmakers have yet to agree on how much money in total the government should spend next fiscal year, besides additional funding for crucial programs.

A single Utah mother of two was told she has three months to live after she was diagnosed with terminal cancer and Cushing Syndrome, and is now planning her own funeral.

Test your wits on the Slate Quiz for Sept. 30, 2024.

Israel and Hezbollah are exchanging hundreds of cross-border strikes in the wake of the shocking explosions of wireless devices across Lebanon last week.

Ready for some wordplay? Sharpen your skills with Slate’s puzzle for Sept. 30, 2024.

In an exclusive interview with The Post, Abbott explained that he was only planning to bus migrants to Washington, DC — until Mayor Eric Adams started criticizing him and claiming buses were coming to New York.

This strategy might actually be working.

Brandon Bell/Getty ImagesAs the government continues to roll out assistance to the hundreds of thousands affected by Hurricane Helene over the weekend, the Republican campaign appears engaged in a slightly different kind of damage control.The Trump camp has scheduled a Monday pit-stop for the Republican candidate in Valdosta, Georgia—a key battleground state, where at least 17 people are reported to have died—after his suggestion at a Walker, Michigan rally that hurricane victims will “be okay” sparked outcry on Friday.He’s expected to receive a briefing on the extent of the devastation and to assist with the distribution of relief, as well as taking the opportunity to “deliver remarks to the press,” according to an emailed statement from his team.Read more at The Daily Beast.

He made every effort to avoid the elephant in the room.

Streisand, 82, rushed to social media to share an image of the pair's 1976 album cover from the Oscar-winning film, "A Star Is Born."

Plus: mastectomies, preteen moods, and Ami’s backpack.

Brendan McDermid/Reuters/File PhotoThe District of Columbia courts recently disbarred disgraced lawyer Rudy Giuliani for his making repeated false statements in his efforts to overturn the 2020 election in the courts. This followed a decision from July of this year disbarring him in New York as well. These after-the-fact actions have come nearly four years after the events that justify this punishment. Some might hope that such discipline might deter other lawyers from seeking to take similarly improper actions to challenge the results of the 2024 election. But our legal system does not have to just wait around for similar events to unfold and only punish such actions afterwards. Courts can and should take preemptive measures to avoid the same sort of improper behavior from repeating itself after the polls close in November. It is said that a lie gets halfway around the world before the truth gets its boots on, but judges can start to insurrection-proof their courtrooms now in order to prevent history from repeating itself.In the wake of the 2020 election, lawyers in dozens of courtrooms across the country, including Giuliani, sought to overturn the results of the vote and attempted to use the legal system to derail the peaceful transition of power by making wild and baseless claims about voter fraud. And, no, those cases were not dismissed “on a technicality,” as Donald Trump claimed in his debate with Vice President Harris earlier in the month. Read more at The Daily Beast.

The New York Mets and Atlanta Braves are set to play the final two games of the 2024 MLB season, and their postseason fate, along with the Arizona Diamondbacks', hangs in the balance.

We expect a beautiful few days of fall weather Thursday through the weekend.