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Tashi Duncan (Zendaya) and her tennis-playing, polyamorous twinks. | Challengers/Amazon MGM Studios The relationship style has been the topic of talky articles and books. Finally, it’s the sexiest element of the year’s sexiest movie. Much has recently been made out of polyamory in the media, to the point where the prospect of dating and ostensibly having sex with multiple people who are also attracted to you seems rather unsexy. Pieces in outlets like the Atlantic, New Yorker, and New York Times (at least twice) have taken stabs at painting portraits of polyams that have resulted in the following takeaways: poly relationships are messy, but they will be the first ones to admit to you that they are messy; poly people believe in a lot of annoying rules, except for annoying rules about monogamy; poly people feel misunderstood but they also have their own acronym-filled language (NRE! Metamour!); polyamory is either popular or not popular at all and said contested popularity, if true, may or may not be the result of a housing crisis. To be clear, I do not come to bury polyamory. I’m merely pointing out that all this seeming like an exhausting hassle is what happens when something humans do in their relationships becomes a media fixation. Secrets are suddenly made un-secret, and so much is lost in translation and public consumption. No one wants to write a news article that comes from a place of horniness, and with that mentality, the subject becomes a punchline. Just when you thought that the entire idea of being communally entangled felt too examined, too picked over to ever be sexy again, Luca Guadagnino’s Challengers comes swooping in. Sun-drenched and sweat-soaked, the film demystifies polyamory into something blazingly simple: being in love — physically and emotionally — with two people and being loved back can make a person as happy as they’ve ever been or ever will be. Challengers/Amazon MGM Studios Imagine if it was you that Josh O’Connor (right) was gesturing this to! In tennis terms, “challengers” are a type of B-list tournament, made for players in ranking purgatory — not good enough to be in the main draws of grand slam tournaments and not bad enough to be out of the game entirely. The title also has a double meaning, referencing the very complicated, emotionally difficult, and extremely randy tennis prodigies-turned-pros Tashi Duncan (Zendaya), Art Donaldson (Mike Faist), and Patrick Zweig (Josh O’Connor). The three are part of an intricate, ball-bashing love triangle, and it’s no accident that every corner is so acutely hot. Zendaya in particular knows how to wear an old money sweater. Faist and O’Connor spend a lot of time arching their backs, whether they’re wearing tiny shorts or not. Perhaps most important, this is a triangle where, as screenwriter Justin Kuritzkes told NBC, “all sides needed to touch” — and they do. That’s crystal clear when they first meet, as teens at the junior US Open. Art and Patrick are attracted to Tashi for completely different, at times murky, reasons. Patrick thinks she’s physically beautiful, the hottest girl on earth. Art admires her commanding style of tennis, which makes her the hottest girl on earth to him. When they watch her rip backhands, something clicks for both of them — so much that when she finishes off the point and screams, Patrick grabs Art’s knee. Through her they see each other’s desires and each other in a new, clear way. The boys invite her to their room, and the great American tennis hope shows up. “I don’t want to be a homewrecker,” Tashi tells them. On the surface, it comes off as a joke. Their closeness and intimacy could be seen as something that’s a little funny for two men who aren’t explicitly gay. But the comment also functions as something truthful. Minutes later, during their three-way kiss, Tashi cocks her head back in a devious, ecstatic grin not because, as one might assume, Art and Patrick are paying her attention — but because Art and Patrick are kissing each other, lost in the moment. Perhaps Tashi Duncan is telling the truth. She wants to be a homemaker, not a homewrecker! What she really wants is to see them up their game. She tells the boys that whoever wins their face-off match the next day can have her number. A year later, when Art and Tashi are at Stanford, Art tries to throw a wrench in Tashi and Patrick’s ongoing relationship. He tells Tashi that the vibe he gets from Patrick is that it isn’t that serious. Art tells Tashi that Patrick doesn’t love her, a bit of information that only bothers her so far as she’d hate for someone to think that’s what she wants. Challengers/Amazon MGM Studios Frown if you’re not into monogamy! When Patrick arrives at Palo Alto, he pulls Art close — so close you can see the sugar glistening off of his churro (not a euphemism) — and warns him that he’s onto Art’s game. He sees the wedge, and Art trying to finagle a way in. Instead of being angry, Patrick is impressed, happy to see Art go for something that he wants — even if it is his girlfriend. Patrick also wants to see Art up his game. Their competition turns Tashi on too, as the two talk about Art while they make out and undress. She tells Patrick that Art can beat him — at tennis. She tells him that she watches and knows what he needs to do better in his matches. She tells him she thinks Art is good enough. At one point Patrick asks Tashi to stop talking about his friend and their shared sport, and it’s as though someone blew out the horniness like a candle. The fight that follows precedes Tashi’s career-ending injury, and in a roundabout way, her eventual marriage to Art, which catapults the pairing to a new level of fame and aspiration. Not unlike the way Tashi was miserable with Patrick when they weren’t talking about Art, Tashi is miserable being married to Art without Patrick. Though Guadagnino and Kuritzkes wrap the couple in plenty of material success — luxury endorsements, high-end clothes, lush hotels, and six grand slam wins — Art and Tashi are not happy as “the Donaldsons.” They have everything they ever wanted, winning tennis’s biggest tournaments and having the money to do anything, but it can’t spark excitement in their lives. You can tell how miserable Art and Tashi are because Trent Reznor and Atticus Ross’s pulsating score takes a breath from its thumping pace whenever we’re near the Donaldsons and their dull monogamy. When Art tells Tashi he wants to retire after the Open, the score shifts into an elegiac, string-forward, pleading love song. It’s so soft that it’s almost a little pathetic, not unlike future tennis hall of famer Art. Yet, when Art and Patrick face off on the court and Tashi watches, Reznor and Ross’s music morphs into something honey-thick, sexier, and more dangerous. The score and their exchanged glances are comically electric; the sexy molly dance music captures the thrill of their three-way relationship. Those beats fill the last moments in the movie, the final points between Art and Patrick. In that closing set, Patrick changes up his service routine and places the ball in the neck of his racket. This is his secret code to Art that he slept with Tashi, a gesture the two created together as teens without Tashi’s knowledge. Art snaps. He goes into a catatonic, post-marriage state. He lets a couple points pass, and by losing them, plunges Patrick and himself into a tiebreak — a race to seven points, like soccer’s penalty shots or basketball’s overtime but more exciting. Valery Hache/AFP via Getty Images The Challengers press tour leaned into the polyam bit of the movie. Because, why not? But who’s winning isn’t Guadagnino’s concern. Nor is he particularly interested in articulating exactly what these men are thinking or feeling. There are no distinct labels or boundaries for how these men feel about each other. There’s no neat way to articulate what it means that the woman they’re both interested in is interested in both of them. There’s no ability to explain how much of their mutual want is fueling this erotic thrill. In this fantasy, there’s no need to talk things out for the sake of respectability or to make an audience feel comfortable or understand. All that exists in this moment is an indescribable frisson and beguiling respect that you may never get with just one person. The point that follows is an exhausting, grunting, sweat-stained rally that ends with both of them at the net, Art going up for a smash and Patrick bracing for impact. We don’t see who wins the point because all the camera’s focus is on Tashi, who growls — a carnal howl — in pleasure. The only other time we’ve seen her this happy was when all three of them were together, with all their desires for each other and with each other out in the open. And they’ve found that again, finally.

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Israeli and Palestinian flags on display in protests at UCLA on April 28, 2024 in Westwood, California. | Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times/Getty Images It’s time to take back the Israel-Palestine debate from the radicals on both sides. You may have heard of Shai Davidai, the Israeli professor at Columbia University who has launched a crusade against the school’s pro-Palestinian protestors. He’s rocketed to fame by calling students terrorists, comparing himself to Jewish victims of Nazi Germany, and demanding the National Guard forcibly break up the student encampments. After the NYPD stormed Columbia’s campus on Tuesday night, arresting hundreds of students, he retweeted a message blaming the events on “a circus of narcissists, egged on by irresponsible faculty.” (Indeed.) Davidai, like many of the loud pro-Israel voices in the national debate, is casting blanket aspersions on students who are protesting for good reasons. Well over 30,000 Palestinians are dead, many of whom are children; the devastation is so complete that a fully accurate death toll is now impossible. There is no good moral or strategic justification for Israel’s scorched-earth approach, which currently risks strengthening the terrorist group Hamas’s strategic position in the long term. Given that billions of American dollars are underwriting this atrocity, it’s easy to see why college campuses are in uproar. But while the majority of students are genuinely motivated by justifiable outrage, a smaller faction have gone to a much darker place: going so far as endorsing Hamas’s murder of Israelis and calling for the violent destruction of Israel. All too often, they are tolerated by — or even members of — protest leadership. Students for Justice in Palestine, the biggest national force behind the college protests, has described Hamas’s mass slaughter on October 7 as “a historic win for the Palestinian resistance.” Khymani James, one of the leaders of the Columbia protests, publicly fantasized about murdering “Zionists.” University of Pennsylvania students chanted in support of Hamas’s military wing (“al-Qassam, make us proud, take another soldier down”). An organizer at UC-Berkeley distributed pamphlets explaining, in his words, how the Hamas attack “was an act of decolonization.” The reciprocal extremism on college campuses, egged on by irresponsible university administrators who have heightened tensions by calling in the cops, is a window into a reality everyone knows: The American conversation about Israel-Palestine is broken. Anyone who even touches the issue knows it’s toxic. The conversation is dominated by extremists who aggressively police the slightest misstep and punish internal dissent, a longstanding dynamic supercharged in recent years by social media. Recently, a prominent person in American politics privately told me that they see engagement on the topic as a no-win proposition. About half of all young American Jewish adults have stopped talking to someone they know over the conflict. There are deep reasons why America’s Israel-Palestine discourse is so dysfunctional. They range from the pro-Israel movement’s embrace of Israeli extremists to the pro-Palestinian movement’s radical-chic culture to the uninspiring alternative on offer in official Washington. Put together, they create an environment where the loudest and most influential voices on each side are all too often the most aggressive and uncompromising ones. In such an environment, the most reasonable people on each side — the ones that recognize that neither Israelis or Palestinians are going anywhere, and that peace can only be found through negotiated compromise — are sidelined. They are getting very little help from some alleged supporters of a two-state solution in Washington, where an insipid and out-of-touch approach does its own work to discredit the center. Understanding these dynamics can help us grasp the dueling narratives around the campus protests. But more importantly, it can help us comprehend why the space for creating pro-peace coalitions seems to have shrunk — and what can be done to rebuild it. Inside the pro-Israel movement’s radicalization In the United States, the Israel-Palestine debate has gone through a long process of polarization and radicalization that has only gotten worse in recent years. I know the dynamics on the pro-Israel side firsthand: When I was in college in the late 2000s, I was the president of my university’s pro-Israel campus group. I abandoned the post shortly after I got into a public argument with one of my own members after he endorsed West Bank settlement, an enterprise that I always thought was both morally wrong and politically suicidal. As Israel’s government moved more and more to the right, increasingly captured by the anti-Palestinian settler movement, the pro-Israel movement moved with them — leaving no place for people like me. Today, I spend much of my professional life criticizing Israel from the anti-occupation left. There are deep reasons why the pro-Israel movement is the way that it is. When I used to attend closed-door events for student activists held by AIPAC, the leading American pro-Israel lobby, they would tell us that they do not see second-guessing the Israeli government as part of the job description. Israel’s leaders determined what was in the country’s best interests; AIPAC and its activists worked merely to support that agenda on Capitol Hill. Michael Brochstein/SOPA Images/LightRocket/Getty Images Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks at AIPAC’s Policy Conference in DC in 2018. This “we don’t judge” policy, rooted in an uncompromising version of Zionism that grants little weight to Palestinian rights, has turned AIPAC and its allies into lobbyists for colonialism. In this, they have enthusiastically linked up with outright right-wing extremists like Pastor John Hagee, the leader of Christians United for Israel. The pro-Israel movement, once comfortable with a two-state solution when Israel’s leadership supported it, is now doing everything in its power to back a government bent on destroying it. What was once called “liberal Zionism” — the view, held by a majority of American Jews, that Israel has a right to exist but no right to occupy Palestinian land — no longer has a place in the organized pro-Israel movement. AIPAC and other mainstream pro-Israel groups treat the smaller liberal Zionist organizations, like J Street and Americans for Peace Now, as mortal enemies. The pro-Israel movement’s current job is mainstreaming Israeli extremism. And it has long been willing to threaten people’s careers and livelihoods — through tools like a public blacklist of pro-Palestinian scholars and students — in order to accomplish that end. When “pro-Palestine” becomes “anti-peace” The pro-Palestinian movement in the United States is far weaker than its pro-Israel twin. There is no Palestinian AIPAC capable of leading $100 million campaigns to unseat members of Congress. But as Americans’ sympathy with Palestinians continues to grow, the movement is poised to wield greater influence down the line — making its own radicalization process a subject of real concern. In his book The Movement and the Middle East, historian Michael Fischbach argues that the 1960s-era radical left in the United States fractured over Israel-Palestine, and the events of that period determined “where progressive Americans stand on these issues today.” During the Cold War, the most hardline factions took an uncompromising pro-Palestine stance, seeing armed Arab struggle against Israel as part of the global fight against Western imperialism. More moderate groups, by contrast, supported Israel in existential conflicts like the 1967 Six-Day War. With extreme left factions playing a disproportionate role in shaping pro-Palestine activism, a significant chunk of the movement took on a similarly radical cast. In this, they were aided by the censorious efforts of the pro-Israel extremists, who worked to turn “Palestine” into a dirty word in mainstream American political discourse. This meant that, for many years, young people passionate about the Palestinian cause were drawn toward far-left factions who called for Israel’s destruction, lionized Palestinian violence, and saw the two-state solution as a sellout compromise. Jason Redmond/AFP via Getty Images A University of Washington student and Revolutionary Communist International member holds a publication during an on-campus protest. “It became a far-left issue because it was so stigmatized,” says Hussein Ibish, a senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington. “You had to be on the far left … in order to fit being a champion of the Palestinians into your professional career path.” In the 2000s, Ibish helped found the American Task Force on Palestine (ATFP), a DC-based group that aimed to promote the Palestinian cause from a pro-peace standpoint. He recalls unremitting hostility from both the AIPAC-style pro-Israel groups and the existing far-left pro-Palestinian infrastructure. ATFP was chronically short of money, maxing out at three full-time policy staffers. It ultimately shuttered its doors in 2016. “We failed,” Ibish says, “because no one supported us.” Today, the Palestinian cause is far more mainstream than it once was — especially among young people and liberals. This is primarily the result of Israel’s rightward political drift: As Israel continues West Bank colonization and pulverizing Gaza, the injustice of the status quo becomes increasingly hard to deny. Yet far-left maximalists still wield disproportionate influence in the pro-Palestine activist and intellectual communities. This is why prominent voices on the issue today — like the US Campaign for Palestinian Rights, “dirtbag left” podcasters, the president of the Council on American-Islamic Relations, and academics like Judith Butler — have been able to praise or sanitize Hamas’s actions on October 7 without meaningful pushback on their own side. Breaking the radicalization doom loop The most radical voices on both sides are not representative of broader public opinion. Polling shows that Americans favor a two-state solution by a roughly 20-point margin. About 30 percent support Israeli annexation of the West Bank; only 5 percent believe that Hamas’s action on October 7 was acceptable. A sizable majority of American Jews are uncomfortable with actions of the Israeli state; only a small minority of American Muslims endorse terrorism against Israelis. The radicalism you see in the news or on social media reflects neither the mass public nor the views of Americans from the most affected groups. Instead, it reflects the views of the extremely engaged. Their every utterance or action is magnified by their extreme allies and enemies alike, making it seem as if the worst and most marginal voices stand in for everyone else. Extreme activists polarizing public debates is not an uncommon phenomenon: Look, for example, at the way anti-abortion activists or climate change radicals push well beyond what the average person in their coalition supports. Once people get locked into mutually hostile camps, the rank-and-file becomes more tolerant of any kind of extremism directed at their opponents — and less tolerant of any internal voices calling for compromise and mutual dialogue. The more radical one side appears, the more the other radicalizes in response. What’s happening on Israel-Palestine is an especially bitter version of this standard political polarization doom loop. So what can be done? The obvious answer is to make space for pro-peace voices. And that starts, counterintuitively, by creating room for more challenges to what appears like a moderate Washington consensus — but in reality is a debate heavily tilted toward Israel. Both major American political parties have long been staunchly pro-Israel. The Republican version of this is rabid, increasingly aligned with Netanyahu and his far-right government. The Democratic version is pallid, mouthing empty support for two states and bromides about shared liberal values even as Israel starves Palestinian children. The handful of dissenters, including Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY) or Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-MD), have been relentlessly attacked as anti-Israel or even antisemitic (though there’s more room for them today than there has been in the past). Mandel Ngan/AFP/Getty Images Sen. Bernie Sanders speaks during the 2019 National Conference hosted by J Street, a pro-peace lobby in Washington. When the establishment seems out of touch with reality, extremism tends to flourish. Republicans may be fine with that, but Democrats clearly are not. If they wish to defang campus radicals on their left flank, they need to create more space in the system for taking legitimate concerns with Israel’s behavior seriously. Cease unconditional support for the war in Gaza and start thinking more creatively about how to pressure Israel into taking up Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’s recently reiterated offer to negotiate. As horribly polarized as the Israel-Palestine debate seems, there actually is space for productive coalition-building that can contribute toward the cause of peace. Let’s not let the extremist voices in the discourse distract us from that fact.

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Photo Illustration by The Daily Beast / Getty Gov. Kristi Noem bet on herself and it paid off as she rose to the top of South Dakota politics.Noem’s confidence has been a hallmark of her career, as she won two terms in the state House of Representatives, four in the U.S. Congress and two as governor. She never walked away from a fight, and often rode toward them aboard her horse or motorcycle.And now that assured, combative nature has caused a possible career-ending blunder. Noem’s admission that she shot and killed a puppy and a goat—made in a soon-to-be released book—has made her the subject of derision and ridicule across the state, nation, and world. She has united Democrats and Republicans in rolling their eyes in amazement, and attacking her for her insensitivity and callous behavior.Read more at The Daily Beast.

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