October 7th, One Year Later

A Russian court on Monday sentenced US citizen and former Marine Robert Gilman to seven years and one month in prison for assaulting a prison official and a state investigator, the local prosecutor’s office said. Gilman, 30, is already serving a 3-1/2-year sentence for attacking a police officer while drunk, a charge he was convicted...

The Yankees and Aaron Boone were willing to take Giancarlo Stanton’s lack of speed to limit his injury risk and get him through the regular season. The same is true in the playoffs.

Inside With Jen Psaki/MSNBCDonald Trump’s former fixer Michael Cohen said the ex-president will use the Armed Forces and the elite Navy SEAL Team Six to “round up” his critics if he is re-elected in November.Trump has repeatedly threatened to prosecute and jail his opponents, including “Lawyers, Political Operatives, Donors, Illegal Voters, & Corrupt Election Officials” in a post last month on his social media platform Truth Social.“The 2024 Election, where Votes have just started being cast, will be under the closest professional scrutiny and, WHEN I WIN, those people that CHEATED will be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the Law, which will include long term prison sentences so that this Depravity of Justice does not happen again,” he wrote on Sept. 7.Read more at The Daily Beast.

Russian state media said Hubbard had pleaded guilty to the charge.

Hurricane Milton strengthened on Monday morning into a Category 2 storm, with wind speeds climbing over 100 mph.

Takeaways from UCLA's game against Penn State on Saturday.

"October 7 was one big miracle, there were so many things that could have killed us that day," Itay Regev said.

On the anniversary of the Oct. 7, 2023 Hamas terror attack against Israel, which took approximately 1,200 lives and 250 hostages, a panel of New York Post reporters return to that harrowing day — and Israel’s military response that followed, leading to an estimated 40,000 Gazan deaths and threat of a larger war in the...

Since last October 7, I have averted my eyes from social media at many moments, and not for the obvious reasons—not because a virtual yelling match had reached a painfully high pitch or become a crude display of mental entrenchment. That would be par for the course when it comes to Israel and Palestine. I would turn away, quickly switching tabs, when I was suddenly confronted with a clip from Gaza of a father covered in dust crawling over mounds of rubble and calling out for his buried children, or the sight of a mother kneeling and screaming over a row of tiny, white-shrouded bodies.The emotional intensity of these videos was overwhelming. The clips never told me anything about these Gazans. They only plunged me for a few excruciating seconds into what was surely the most awful moment of these human beings’ lives. The humanity—the fear, the grief, the physical pain—was so raw and uncut that, in my recognition of it, I recoiled.The year since Hamas’s brutal massacre and the carnage wrought by Israel’s response has reduced the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to its most elemental feature: a demand for recognition. What has been revealed in the aftermath is the desperation of this need. When people put up posters with the faces of Israeli grandparents and babies kidnapped to Gaza, that was a plea for recognition; when others tore them down, that was a denial of that recognition. When my otherwise thoughtful young Israeli relative told me, casually, that she doesn’t feel bad about the deaths of Palestinians, because “they are all guilty, all of them,” that was also a denial of recognition. The horrid debates about whether rape occurred on October 7 were an argument over recognition. There were pleas to be seen and then the purposeful, often malicious refusals to see. And I found this interplay—the desire and the withholding—to be one of the most devastating aspects of this awful year. The grandfather of the Israeli soldier Jordan Bensimon cries over his casket during his funeral on July 22, 2014, in Ashkelon, Israel. (Andrew Burton / Getty) In Isabella Hammad’s new book, Recognizing the Stranger, which consists mostly of a lecture she gave at Columbia University, the novelist explores what it has meant for the Palestinian people to be endlessly seeking this acknowledgment of their humanity. Hammad recounts a story she heard while visiting a kibbutz. She encountered a skittish young soldier named Daniel—he said he was “a ‘little’ colonel”—who was hiding out after having deserted the Israeli army. He told her that, while guarding the Gaza border, he’d spotted a man, completely naked, walking toward him. The man was holding a photograph of a child. Daniel’s instruction was to shoot him in the legs, but he could not do it. Instead, Daniel dropped his weapon and ran.Hammad is both heartened and distressed by this story. It does show how a person can suddenly become visible to another, can reveal themselves and thereby cause minds and behavior to change. But she is troubled by what has to happen to bring this about: “It was, after all, on the little colonel’s horizon that that man in Gaza appeared, walking toward him without his clothes on, literally risking his life to undertake this desperate performance of his humanity, saying, look at me naked, I am a human being, holding up a photograph of a child, who we easily imagine was his own child, killed by Israeli missile fire.”Look at me naked. This performance of humanity, mostly for an outside, adjudicating world, is not just a Palestinian burden—though Hammad presents it as such. Israelis, too, have been desperate to be seen, not as occupiers or settlers, but as people just hoping to live their lives.Along with Hammad’s book, a few others published around the anniversary of October 7 offer first drafts of the history of that day—drafts that take as their starting point the stories of individuals. These are people who woke up one Saturday morning and were soon dodging bullets and grenades, cradling the dead bodies of their husbands and daughters, kneeling before AK-47s and begging to be spared.[Michael A. Cohen: The rape denialists]One Day in October, by Yair Agmon and Oriya Mevorach, is an oral history in the style of the Nobel Prize–winning Belarusian writer Svetlana Alexievich. The authors gathered 40 stories, told from the perspective of the survivors about their own experience or that of a killed loved one. The narratives all seem to follow a three-act structure: We meet someone who is wonderfully idiosyncratic; we follow them through the horrors of that day; we learn something of their bravery and decency.This amounts at times to a performance of humanity as desperate as that of the man in Hammad’s story. The victims are idealized, elevated even in their ordinariness, remembered as the most courageous, the kindest, the most beautiful.Netta Epstein was a 22-year-old living in Kibbutz Kfar Aza on October 7. His story is told in One Day in October by his fiancée, Irene Shavit, who describes Epstein as “a real goofball, one of the funniest guys you ever met.” They had planned to go to Epstein’s grandmother’s for breakfast on October 7 because she was making the Yemenite pastry jahnun. Like most of the people on the kibbutzim bordering Gaza, Epstein and Shavit’s drama played out in their safe room, as they struggled to keep the Hamas terrorists out—“We heard them opening the safe room and screaming ‘Where are you! Come out!’ in this heavily accented Hebrew. Then they started throwing grenades at us.” The couple managed to survive two grenades, but the third one rolled too close to them, and Epstein instinctively threw himself on top of it, dying instantly and saving his fiancée. Shavit then lay there for hours, hiding under a bed, with Epstein’s body blocking her from the view of other terrorists who entered the room. She described her thoughts as she waited: “I was there for hours facing Netta, watching him lying there with his gorgeous body, with his sculpted buns—I always teased him that he spent far more time toning his behind than I ever did … What an amazing body; he’s really the most gorgeous guy in the world.”An ideology that recognizes only the pain of Palestinians does not know what to do with this sort of story—painfully sweet in its humanness. There is no room for it. When all one sees is colonized and colonizers, certain experiences register and others do not. The colonized deserve the much-denied recognition of their humanity, especially as they are killed by the tens of thousands. The colonizer, by virtue of his position, is responsible for any terror that might be visited upon him; his suffering, his humanity, can be ignored. The flip side of this thinking can also, of course, be found in Israel, where any loss of an innocent Jewish life is mourned but the deaths of thousands of Palestinian women and children can be dismissed as collateral damage. This parsimoniousness, to characterize it generously, has only heightened the competition for acknowledgment—for proving that “we” are more human than “them.”I give the Haaretz journalist Lee Yaron a lot of credit for cutting through this sad rivalry. In her book, 10/7, which also catalogs the events of the day through those who became victims, she makes a choice not to depict Palestinians. Their history is not hers to tell, she says—“I wait with all humility to read the books of my Palestinian colleagues, which will surely tell the stories of the innocents of Gaza, who suffered and died from my country’s reaction to their leadership’s violence.” What she does is apply reportorial rigor to her own side. Her subjects are just people on the day that will be their last; this is not hagiography. The most relevant thing about them is the fact of their murder. But they are also not anonymous. They each represent one flicker of humanity in this panoramic account. In an afterword, the novelist Joshua Cohen, Yaron’s husband, even compares this work to the memorial books created after the Holocaust “to reclaim the dead, at least some of them, from numeric anonymity and political exploitation.”Yaron’s compendium is relentlessly depressing because of the senselessness and brutality, the death after death. But she manages to escape the need to prove anyone’s worth. They just are. And who they are also represents a wide swath of Israeli society: the young French Israeli woman who had left her infant with her husband for the weekend so she could relax at the Nova dance festival; the elderly Soviet Jewish retirees about to board a van to take them to a spa day at the Dead Sea; a pregnant Bedouin woman on her way to the hospital to give birth; the Nepalese and Thai guest workers hiding behind stacked bags of rice. In these stories, the violence of that day is a rupture in reality, indiscriminate and unforgiving.Humanity reveals itself in the smallest details; it becomes easier to forget the fight to claim the most empathy when the focus is on those qualities of an existence that feel totally familiar and otherwise unremarkable. The work of the Gazan poet Mosab Abu Toha is filled with such details. His poems have appeared in many literary publications, including The Atlantic, over the past year, which made his story of being detained by the Israeli army as he and his family were trying to leave Gaza, published in The New Yorker in December, particularly disturbing. Abu Toha’s new book, Forest of Noise, gathers together that recent writing. The best of it describes the everyday experience of a waking nightmare—much of it in Gaza but some from the distance of Egypt, where he is living now. “Under the Rubble” includes some simple exchanges with his young son: My son asks me whether,when we return to Gaza,I could get him a puppy.I say, “I promise, if we can find any.”I ask my son if he wishes to becomea pilot when he grows up.He says he won’t wishto drop bombs on people and houses. The more Abu Toha roots his poems in his reality, in those details, the more drawn I am to them. If this was his own performance of humanity, then it was the subtlest of dances, something like butoh, in which the dancer seems to move a millimeter every second, demanding your full concentration to appreciate how slowly a muscle can extend itself in space. In “What a Gazan Should Do During an Israeli Air Strike,” Abu Toha offers nothing more than a list of instructions: “Turn off the lights in every room / sit in the inner hallway of the house / away from the windows / stay away from the stove / stop thinking about making black tea / have a bottle of water nearby / big enough to cool down / children’s fear.” It goes on like this, the banal suddenly profound, the abnormal proximity to death suddenly normal.[Amor Tobin: How my father saved my life on October 7] Children grieve during the funeral on November 11, 2023, of the Faojo family, killed in an Israeli bombing of Rafah in Gaza. (Said Khatib / AFP / Getty) This particular poem reminded me of passages from another October 7 book, Amir Tibon’s The Gates of Gaza, an adapted excerpt of which appeared recently in this magazine. Tibon, also a Haaretz reporter, spent the day trapped with his wife and two young daughters in the safe room of their house in Kibbutz Nahal Oz while their neighbors were shot and their houses set on fire. Tibon alternates between the story of the day—while he was hiding, his father, a retired general in his 60s, made his way to the kibbutz to try to save his son and his family—and the history of the community, which sits about a mile from the border with Gaza.But despite the genuinely heroic story Tibon describes of his father surviving ambushes and gunfights to reach them, my focus kept shifting to the drama of the little girls—Galia, 3 and a half, and Carmel, almost 2—sitting in the darkness of the safe room for 10 hours, the sound of gunfire outside, without food or water or access to a bathroom, and needing to stay absolutely quiet. How did Tibon and his wife keep them busy? Galia wanted an apple; Carmel requested ice cream. At one point after six hours, Carmel toddled around the room in the dark, accidently stepped on something, and started to cry. Tibon and his wife panicked, held her close, and she calmed down, fell asleep; then the parents lost it for the first time that day. “Up until that point, we had both taken pains to maintain our composure, knowing that any signs of distress from either one of us would make the girls even more scared than they already were,” Tibon writes. “But now, all of our carefully restrained emotions came pouring out: the fear, the anger, the remorse.”I mention these fathers and their children not by way of arriving at some facile point about moral equivalence. I’m not trying to collapse the experiences of people on either side of the Gaza border. They are enormously different. But if you’re searching for humanity, you might find it best here in the granularity of experience and emotion, in the desire for safety, in the agony of trying to protect children from harm.In her survey of all the ways Palestinians try to have their humanity recognized, Hammad landed on one that felt the least fraught, the least desperate, to her: to forget that anyone is watching or making a wager or rooting from the outside, to forget the need to show the scars, and amputated limbs, and blood. “I like this idea of breaking into the awareness of other people by talking candidly among ourselves,” Hammad writes. I like this too, and I felt most moved, while reading the works of Israelis and Palestinians after this year of death, when they stopped performing for anyone else.It is hard to ever imagine an end to the suffering competition; both groups are too locked into the idea that the recognition they each seek is a scarce commodity, that if one side claims it, the other side loses. But they’re wrong. And this heartbreaking mistake, more than anything else, is what stands in the way of their suffering’s end.

Ever since the Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade, Democrats have considered abortion a winning issue and have been eager to talk about it. Emphasizing reproductive rights helped the party achieve victories in the 2022 midterm elections and has generated enthusiasm for Kamala Harris’s presidential campaign.But some abortions Democrats would rather not discuss: those that occur in the final months of pregnancy. Democrats tend to brush off questions about whether these abortions should be restricted, either by denying that their policies would allow abortions late in pregnancy or by pointing out that these abortions are rare, implying that they are therefore not worth our moral concern.In the recent vice-presidential debate, Tim Walz sidestepped a question about a relatively permissive abortion bill he signed into law in Minnesota. And in the presidential debate before that, when Donald Trump pointed out that Roe had allowed for abortions in the seventh, eighth, and ninth months of a pregnancy, Kamala Harris plainly said, “That’s not true.”[Read: Trump and Vance are calling their abortion ban something new]It’s true that third-trimester abortions are rare. But they do happen. Representatives from the CDC, the pro-abortion-rights Guttmacher Institute, and the anti-abortion Charlotte Lozier Institute told me that national data simply aren’t available. But Colorado, which is home to clinics that perform third-trimester abortions, recorded 137 third-trimester abortions in 2023. That’s only one state—eight other states, plus Washington, D.C., have no restrictions on third-trimester abortions. Just a few minutes from my office building in D.C., a clinic offers abortions up to nearly 32 weeks. In nearby Bethesda, Maryland, a clinic performs abortions up to 35 weeks’ gestation.Those who support such expansive abortion laws tend to argue that third-trimester abortions are the result of a devastating medical diagnosis. In many cases that’s true, but it is not always the situation. The D.C. clinic I mentioned above confirmed by phone that it performs abortions for any reason. Data on the reasons women have later abortions are also scarce. But when The Atlantic’s Elaine Godfrey interviewed a doctor who specializes in late abortions, he estimated that about half of his patients have healthy pregnancies. Of course, some of his patients are in serious distress for other reasons; some are victims of sexual assault, or are teenagers who didn’t realize they were pregnant. This leads to another logical flaw in how the pro-abortion-rights crowd tends to frame its argument.The group complains that people are overly focused on exceedingly rare third-term abortions. But abortions after a pregnancy from rape or incest are also comparatively rare, and abortion-rights supporters still push opponents of abortion to take these rare scenarios into account. Discussions about third-trimester abortions should therefore be fair game as well. Downplaying third-trimester abortions isn’t necessary for Democrats to protect reproductive rights, and could well alienate the plurality of voters best described as abortion moderates. The grim reality of later abortion is simply too much for most Americans to countenance—and reasonable policy makers should listen to them.Most Americans believe that third-trimester abortions should be restricted. If Democrats want a platform that truly reflects majority opinion, they should address the question of what to do about later abortions, and adopt a position that protects abortions in the first trimester while limiting second- and third-trimester abortions to pregnancies with fetal abnormalities or maternal health crises.Democrats keep dancing around the fact that, under Roe, states were not required to restrict later abortions. Under Dobbs, which superseded Roe, they still aren’t; they can choose to ban the procedure or allow the abortions without limits. Of course, the fall of Roe means that more states are banning abortion altogether.[Read: The abortion absolutist]But the fact remains that Americans are broadly uncomfortable with third-trimester abortions. A 2023 Gallup poll found that although more than two-thirds of Americans believe abortion should be legal in the first trimester, just 22 percent think it should be legal in the third. And a 2021 Associated Press poll found that just 8 percent of respondents believe that third-trimester abortions should be legal in all cases.When Democrats hammer home just how rare later abortions are, they’re making an important point: More than 90 percent of American abortions take place in the first trimester. A reasonable platform would adopt the Western European standard, in which abortion is legal for any reason in the first trimester, but later procedures are restricted except in cases of devastating maternal or fetal medical diagnoses. Preserving women’s right to choose does not require Democrats to adopt an extreme position that allows for abortion at any stage of pregnancy, no questions asked.

For better or worse, Carlos Rodon pitches with full-fledged emotion. 

Jim Watson/AFP via Getty ImagesDonald Trump would seek to defund Planned Parenthood if he wins the election next month, according to his running mate. “On the question of defunding Planned Parenthood, look, I mean our view is we don’t think that taxpayers should fund late-term abortions,” JD Vance said on Saturday, according to NBC News. “That has been a consistent view of the Trump campaign the first time around. It will remain a consistent view.”Figures this year from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention show 93.5 percent of abortions in 2021 were carried out either at or before 13 weeks, with less than 6 percent performed between 13 and 20 weeks, and less than 1 percent either at or after 21 weeks.Read more at The Daily Beast.

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"I'm still living in that day. Oct. 7 is still happening," Or Gat, who happened to be away when terrorists attacked his home and kidnapped his sister and sister-in-law.

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After Game 2 of the NLDS was halted for several minutes because of fans throwing objects on the field, the Padres went on to blow out the Dodgers.

Smoke rises from an Israeli army attack near Nuseirat refugee camp in Gaza on October 4, 2024. | Hassan Jedi/Anadolu via Getty Images For most of the past year, the war in Gaza dominated global headlines, while the growing conflict between Israel and Hezbollah along the country’s northern border was just below the surface, threatening to boil over.  Today, on the anniversary of the October 7 attacks, the situation is roughly reversed: the Israeli government and the international community are focused on the spiraling violence in Lebanon and escalation with Iran, while Gaza has fallen off the front pages.   It’s not that the combat in Gaza has ended. Just last week, nearly 100 people were killed by Israeli airstrikes and ground operations in Gaza. But Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) troop levels in Gaza are down as much as 90 percent from the high point of the operation, as Israel has shifted resources toward the fighting in the north.  Yet even as the military operation Israel calls “Swords of Iron” has receded, there are no signs that it is ending any time soon. Instead, the conflict seems to be transforming into the sort of “forever war” that both Israel and the US have become all too acquainted with in recent decades.  Instead of the “day after” that has been talked about since the invasion began nearly a year ago, Gaza is trapped in a perpetual present of conflict, chaos, and civilian death. There are no signs that will change — and that is exceedingly grim news for Gaza’s civilian population. “With the world’s attention focused on Lebanon, I think the concern for Palestinians is that they’ve now been left to their own devices,” said Tahani Mustafa, senior Palestine analyst for the International Crisis Group. A ceasefire in Gaza remains elusive. Multiple rounds of US-led talks aimed at securing a pause in the fighting and a return of hostages have come to naught, with Netanyahu repeatedly insisting on maintaining an Israeli military presence in Gaza after the war. Meanwhile, after months of public rage following his government’s failures on October 7, Netanyahu’s popularity has rebounded after the killing of Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah. That means there’s far less internal pressure to bring an end to a war that has sparked domestic protests, brought international opprobrium on Israel, and battered its economy.  That’s not the only thing working against an end to the conflict. With the US election looming, President Joe Biden has effectively become a lame duck with diminishing leverage (that he’s willing to use, at least) over America’s Israeli ally. After months of criticism of Netanyahu’s conduct of the war in Gaza, US officials — off the record, at least — have taken a notably more positive tone about its operations targeting Hezbollah and Iran.  As for Hamas, while it can still launch periodic attacks — including one that killed four IDF troops in September — and may still be holding as many as 101 Israeli hostages, it has lost more than half its military leaders since the war began, according to Israeli estimates.  Even in its weakened state, though, it is unlikely to agree to any deal that leaves Israeli troops in Gaza. More to the point, after witnessing the fate of Nasrallah, Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar is likely even less inclined to agree to any sort of deal with an adversary almost certain to kill him at the first opportunity, no matter what he agrees to. (That’s assuming he’s still alive — there has been growing speculation in recent weeks about Sinwar’s whereabouts.)  Add it all up and the situation in Gaza has become something hard to classify but no less grim – not a formal occupation or annexation, but one where the Israeli military effectively controls Gaza without governing it, reserving the right to strike when it desires while doing little to support the territory’s rebuilding. It is one where the possibility of a postwar Gaza seems more remote than ever.   As Shira Efron, analyst with the Israel Policy Forum and outside adviser to the Israeli government, put it, all these developments are leading some Israelis to contemplate the question: “What if this war never ends?”  A different kind of occupation Israel’s military occupied Gaza from 1967, following the Six Day War, until 2005, when Prime Minister Ariel Sharon ordered the withdrawal of security forces, along with the forced removal of about 8,500 Israeli settlers. Though the move was widely supported at the time — the occupation viewed by many as a costly quagmire — the withdrawal came to be seen as a mistake by many Israelis, particularly after Hamas took over Gaza in 2007.  What’s happening now in Gaza is different. Though some in Israel’s influential settler movement, including ultranationalist Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, have called for rebuilding settlements in Gaza, this is not widely supported in Israel and the government does not appear to be actively contemplating it. And while some like Gen. David Petraeus have urged Israel to pursue an Iraq-style “clear, hold, build” counterinsurgency approach, which would combine defeating militants with supporting the civilian population, digging wells and building schools in Gaza does not seem to be on the IDF’s agenda.  “The Israeli plan right now is to move to a sort of a counterterrorism footing in Gaza,” said RAND Corporation military analyst Raphael Cohen. “It’s not going to be withdrawal, but it’s not going to be full-on occupation either.”  This could involve control of the Philadelphi corridor along the border with Egypt and the so-called Netzarim corridor dividing Gaza’s north and south border, along with periodic raids into the center to target the remnants of Hamas, which will likely remain an insurgent force for the indefinite future. “The real concern is that Gaza gets stuck in a kind of middle state,” says Cohen, meaning the low-intensity fighting continues indefinitely, but with no opportunity for Gaza to rebuild or establish stable governance.  Not everyone has such a light footprint in mind: Retired IDF General Giora Eiland has been on a media blitz in recent weeks promoting what’s been called the “Generals’ Plan” for Gaza. This would involve giving the entire civilian population of northern Gaza (about 250,000 people) a week to evacuate, then declaring it a “closed military zone” with no supplies allowed in; essentially, seeking to starve out any Hamas fighters that remain. Netanyahu is reportedly considering the plan, though it is almost certain to be widely condemned as a war crime.  Israel has set the destruction of Hamas’s military capabilities as a core goal of its operation. Given that Hamas can likely continue to operate as an underground insurgency for quite some time, this is a recipe for a very long war.  As for the other core goal, the return of the Hamas-held hostages, Efron notes that Netanyahu “mentions in every speech that he will do everything possible to bring the hostages back home.” But without a negotiated ceasefire, this is becoming increasingly unlikely. “I think we’re all concerned that there is currently no hostage deal on the table,” Efron said.   In any event, Netanyahu has reportedly told legislators that he believes as many as half the remaining hostages may actually be already dead.  Who will actually rule Gaza? Regardless of its military plans, Israel does not appear to have any desire to provide the security or social services for Gaza’s civilian population that its offensive has utterly devastated.  The early weeks of the war saw a flurry of articles and policy papers proposing ideas for the post-war governance of the strip. The US and Western governments coalesced around a few.  The United States pushed ideas involving a “revamped and revitalized” Palestinian Authority (PA) — the body that currently governs the West Bank — taking over control of Gaza. Netanyahu refused to consider such plans, saying they would turn Gaza from “Hamastan” to “Fatahstan” (Fatah is the party that dominates the PA). In any case, given how unpopular the PA is in the areas it already controls in the West Bank, it’s not clear how much legitimacy it would have had with Gaza’s population had the party been installed at the point of an Israeli gun. The Biden administration has also pushed Arab states to take a leading role in Gaza’s postwar reconstruction, but those countries have ruled out committing to that kind of project without a clear pathway toward a Palestinian state.  In any event, Efron says “this has never been a plan that Israel subscribed to.” Netanyahu has called vaguely for a “civilian government,” but Efron says Netanyahu’s government’s vision relies on finding “unicorn Palestinians” qualified to govern the territory but associated with neither Hamas nor Fatah nor any other Palestinian faction with a real constituency. Israel’s government remains opposed to any plan that involves a pathway toward a sovereign Palestinian state. “There’s no turn-key government that’s going to come in and guarantee [Israel’s] security,” said Aaron David Miller, a Mideast peace negotiator for several US administrations with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. For the moment, even with its senior leadership decimated and its physical infrastructure destroyed, the Hamas-controlled government is still able to provide at least some degree of security and social services in parts of Gaza. But its capacities are limited, and are unlikely to improve while Israel remains bent on the group’s destruction.  Going forward, Miller says, “you’re going to end up with clans and criminal gangs” filling the power vacuum. “Hamas and the Israelis will clearly also be in the mix, and of course the NGOs will be trying between the raindrops to figure out a way to deliver humanitarian assistance.” That assistance is still badly needed. UN officials describe Gaza’s humanitarian crisis as one of the worst in modern history, with food and health systems in a state of “complete collapse.” More than a million people face extreme malnutrition. The UN estimates that about two-thirds of Gaza’s buildings have been damaged or destroyed. Some estimates have put the cost of reconstruction in Gaza at over $80 billion, which is more than four times the combined GDP of Gaza and the West Bank before the war. Crisis Group’s Mustafa sees the current trajectory of the conflict as reducing Gaza to a “tent city in ruins” and feels it’s “unlikely that the international community are going to do much to pressure Israel into following through with any other sort of alternative vision for a day after.” Will there ever be a day after? When he visited the country in the days following the October 7 attacks, President Biden expressed sympathy to the Israeli people and backed their right to respond with military force.  But he also counseled them to avoid the mistakes the United States made after the 9/11 attacks, when a desire to eliminate security threats led to two decades of costly wars, mission creep, and human rights abuses that damaged the country’s international standing.  In truth, Israel shouldn’t need such a warning — it knows a thing or two about quagmires. For most of the 1980s and 1990s, Israel occupied parts of southern Lebanon. It was a mission that began as an effort to wipe out Palestinian militants in the country and then expanded to maintain a “security zone” alongside local Christian militias to prevent attacks on northern Israel.  By 2000, when Brig. Gen. Benny Gantz — later to become an Israeli opposition leader and erstwhile member of Netanyahu’s government — became the last Israeli soldier to withdraw from the country, the conflict had become known as “Israel’s Vietnam,” with hundreds of IDF soldiers and thousands of Lebanese civilians killed.  The future “occupation” of Gaza may end up looking more like Lebanon during this era than the current occupation and settlement of the West Bank or the situation in Gaza prior to 2005. Time and again, governments caught flat-footed by terrorist attacks have responded with open-ended military campaigns with the aim of completely stamping out the threat, only to learn too late that the costs are higher than they can imagine — for themselves and for the population under their control. It’s likely to be years before the costs of this one are fully tallied. 

Andrew Milligan/Pool/Getty ImagesKing Charles III is to “pause” his cancer treatment, understood to be a weekly regimen, for 11 days as he undertakes his high-profile royal tour of Australia next week.The king, 75, was diagnosed with cancer in February this year and has been receiving treatment on a weekly basis ever since. The palace have not said what form the therapy is taking and have not specified the type of cancer the king is suffering with.However the Daily Mail reported Monday that the monarch, 75, has been told by doctors that he can take 11 days off his treatment when he and Queen Camilla leave for Australia on October 18, accompanied by a traveling doctor.Read more at The Daily Beast.

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Exactly 1 year after Hamas' terrorist rampage in Israel, 101 hostages are still missing and the death toll is still climbing.

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Arizona is now among a handful of battlegrounds that will determine whether Vice President Kamala Harris or former President Trump wins the White House in November.

Our second subscriber hike event will take place along the Gabrielino Trail and be led by outdoors writer Jaclyn Cosgrove.

More than 140 people have been killed in the last month in Culiacán as two factions of the Sinaloa compete to fill a power vacuum.

The unending, unjust Israel-Hamas war exposes rifts in the universality of human rights and the hypocrisy of Western nations.

Rep. Adam Schiff's role as a chief critic of former President Trump has defined his bid to become the next U.S. senator from California.

Besides healing from injuries, the Chargers must use the off week to examine the offense, its receivers and time spent on the field by the stingy defense.

The U.S. Supreme Court is back in session with elections and ethics among the high-profile decisions on the docket.

As JD Vance leans on his Appalachian roots in his campaign for the White House, a distant cousin criticizes his portrayal of the region and their shared last name.

Garvey owes as much as $750,000 to the IRS, while Schiff has made as much as $2 million from his 2021 book, "Midnight In Washington."

Go ahead and cast a protest vote -- but not if you live in a swing state, where your vote really counts. Therein lies the problem with our system.

An experimental program seeks to protect California almond trees from a pesky moth by using X-rays to sterilize the insects.

Harris would continue the internationalist policies of Biden and Obama. Trump would reprise his previous role as disrupter-in-chief.

In a new poll, Measure A, a proposal on the November ballot that would double Los Angeles County’s quarter-percent homeless sales tax, is leading 49% in favor to 33% opposed, 1 percentage point behind the the majority it needs to pass.

The events have spurred an identity crisis among some American Jews, as they increase spirituality, confront antisemitism -- and purchase guns.

'When those wars cease, [Netanyahu] will lose his government and he will have to face trial for his alleged crimes,' says a reader.

The rule from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives seeks to ensure ghost guns are subject to the same requirements as commercial firearms sales.