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Jessica Gow/TT News Agency/AFP via Getty Images Politics on Eurovision isn’t new. It’s been part of it almost from the start. The annual Eurovision Song Contest kicked off yesterday and is bracing for protests and audience disruptions over Israel’s inclusion in the event as its war in Gaza in response to Hamas’s October 7 attack rages on. The song contest will be thousands of miles away — in Malmo, Sweden — but fury over the war is expected to be palpable in the small Scandinavian city, whose population will swell with both Eurovision fans and protesters. Over 1,000 artists in the host country signed a letter calling for Israel’s disqualification for its “brutal warfare in Gaza,” according to the Guardian, and pro-Palestinian groups are lobbying state broadcasters not to air the event and calling on artists to refuse to participate. Already, Swedish pop star Eric Saade appeared wearing a keffiyeh — a traditional scarf that has come to symbolize resistance to Israel’s incursion into Gaza — around his wrist during a performance on Tuesday night. A spokesperson for European Broadcasting Union (EBU) — which organizes the event — issued their “regrets” over the decision, according to the BBC. Saade has appeared as a Eurovision competitor before but was a guest performer last night. Politics intruding on Eurovision isn’t new, despite its stated desire to stay above the fray. In 2022, the contest disqualified Russia over its invasion of Ukraine. Nonetheless, the EBU has rejected demands from pro-Palestinian activists, maintaining that it is a music event that keeps political messages away from the stage. Sweden will bring additional police from Denmark and Norway to Malmo, and the Eurovision Song Contest is expected to continue with the usual participants, including Israel, which has won Eurovision four times since joining the contest in 1973. The EBU did require Israel to revise its entry this year, though, which was a song initially called “October Rain,” featuring the lyrics “those that write history, stand with me.” The song appeared to be a reference to Hamas’s October 7 attack on southern Israel that killed more than 1,100 people and led to the kidnapping of some 240, dozens of whom are still held hostage. The reference to the attack was deemed too political by the EBU, and thus ineligible for the competition. Israel initially refused to sanitize its entry, even threatening to pull out of the competition, but revised it after involvement from President Isaac Herzog. The new song, which will be performed by Eden Golan, is now a romantic ballad entitled “Hurricane,” and the opening line was changed to “writer of my symphony, play with me.” The controversy over Israel’s song and the protests looming over this year’s event underscore how much politics encroaches on an event that seeks to promote a utopian vision of global comity. But as Tess Megginson, a PhD candidate studying European history at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill, argues, the song contest, founded during the Cold War with seven European countries and initially excluding the Soviet Union, has always been a space for political performance. In an interview with Today, Explained host Sean Rameswaram, she explained that while some of today’s controversy is unique, the contest had some of its most contentious political moments after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. This conversation has been edited for length and clarity. You can listen to a longer version of Megginson’s interview and highlights from Eurovision on Today, Explained. —Haleema Shah, producer Sean Rameswaram You wrote in the Washington Post that politics at Eurovision is nothing new, using the ’90s as an example. Tess Megginson I would argue the 1990s are actually some of the most political years of the contest, and this actually isn’t always a bad thing. As soon as you have the Eastern European countries start joining, hosts are talking about welcome to the rest of Europe, and now we’re finally unified. And you have all these songs about peace and unity and breaking down walls. Some of these do quite well in the contest, some of them don’t. In 1990, the first competition held in Eastern Europe, in Zagreb, the winning entry was Italy with “Insieme: 1992.” The hook in the chorus is “unite, unite Europe,” and it got a very good reception and won the competition. It is a really beautiful time in the contest, but also in the ’90s you have the Yugoslav wars. And this is the first time that we actually see a country banned from the competition. Yugoslavia was banned from the contest shortly after the 1992 competition because of the siege of Sarajevo. UN sanctions are imposed against Yugoslavia, and Bosnia is able to participate in the competition, but Yugoslavia cannot. Even though Bosnia is not participating with a song entry, they’re still able to vote in the contest [and] call into the contest while under siege. Sean Rameswaram Wow. Tess Megginson The phone line initially disconnects and it goes dead. And there’s just this silence that falls over the audience. Soon they’re able to reconnect, and there’s a loud applause and cheering from the audience as they’re able to give their points for the contest. It’s a really beautiful moment of solidarity for people who were at war and under occupation. And it’s something that, even though it’s a very political moment, it’s quite a beautiful moment in the contest’s history. Sean Rameswaram These political moments we’re talking about — the fall of the Berlin Wall, the fall of communism, the genocide in Bosnia — they all happened on the continent of Europe. But here, now, in 2024, we’ve got this controversy and calls for a boycott that relate to something happening in the Middle East. Is there a precedent for that at Eurovision? Tess Megginson Yeah. Boycotts in Eurovision are almost as old as the contest itself, starting in the 1970s. In 1975, Turkey invaded Cyprus, and Greece boycotted the contest. The following year, Greece submits a song that is a very anti-war song and clearly referencing Turkey’s presence in Cyprus, and Turkey boycotts the contest. So that’s kind of the first example we see of these big boycotts. More recently [there have] been calls to boycott Azerbaijan because of their treatment of their viewers who vote for Armenia. They’ve threatened to block the Armenian broadcast before. And of course, when they hosted the contest in 2012, there was a big outcry because they displaced a lot of people living in a community in Baku because they were building a stadium just to host the Eurovision Song Contest. Sean Rameswaram Wow. Tess Megginson And then of course, Russia’s the big one that you see a lot in the conversation because of its invasion of Ukraine, finally banned from the competition in 2022. Sean Rameswaram It sounds like it’s par for the course to have this level of controversy and calls for boycotts and tensions between nations at Eurovision. Does that make this current controversy less exceptional? Tess Megginson Not necessarily. I think there’s also been a long and unique history with Israel’s participation in the contest. As the first non-European country to participate, it’s also had relative success since it joined. It’s won the contest four times and hosted it three times. All the way back in 1978, we started seeing these controversies arise with Israel’s participation. In 1978, they actually won the competition, but in Jordan, which was a member of the EBU, although not participating in the contest, they didn’t air the Israel entry. And when it became clear that Israel was going to win the contest, they cut the broadcast short and announced Belgium as the winner in Jordan. Sean Rameswaram What? They just lied?! Tess Megginson Yep, they lied to people in Jordan and said Belgium had won the contest. I don’t know when they found out that wasn’t true. Sean Rameswaram When they got Wikipedia. Tess Megginson Yeah. Pre-Internet, it was a lot easier to get away with that sort of thing. Sean Rameswaram How does Eurovision typically handle the boycotts and the tensions between these nations? Tess Megginson Not very well. They officially market themselves as an apolitical contest. So when politics enter the contest, they are not happy about it. One kind of fun example is in 2015, they introduced what they called “anti-booing technology.” You couldn’t hear the crowd booing the Russian entry during the contest. I don’t think it’s been used since then, but I wouldn’t be surprised if they use a similar thing this year. And another thing is fines — they do really like to fine their members. In 2019, when Israel hosted the contest, there were calls to boycott and move the contest out of Israel. Icelandic performers held up Palestinian flags and the Icelandic broadcaster ended up getting a huge fine from the EBU for doing that. Sean Rameswaram Do you think Eurovision this year will end up transcending our current geopolitical situation? Tess Megginson There are a couple signs we can look for to see how Europeans are reacting to Israel’s participation. The first is going to be the live audience reaction. This is going to be more difficult for us to see as viewers; we’re probably going to have to rely on things like social media and journalists on the ground to hear how the audience is reacting to Israel participating. But we’re also going to see this maybe with the other performers, if they, say, wave Palestinian flags like we saw in 2019. Also, when the votes are given out at the end of the competition, are people going to boo countries that give Israel top votes? We’ll have to see. A second thing, of course, is the popular vote. Will people vote for Israel or will this be a protest vote against them? If there’s a big difference between the jury vote for Israel and the popular vote, that’s probably a sign that people are not voting for Israel because they don’t agree with what they’re doing in Gaza. The third thing to see is viewership. If the boycott is effective, there’ll probably be a stark decline in viewership in certain countries. Obviously, there are other factors at play here. So if a country, a participant, doesn’t make the finals, there could be a decline in viewership because of that, but if we see a significant decline, I would probably argue that it’s the boycott. Be sure to follow Today, Explained on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Pandora, or wherever you listen to podcasts.

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During a demonstration against the Israeli government, protesters hold flags and signs calling for a hostages deal with Hamas on May 4, 2024, in Tel Aviv, Israel. | Amir Levy/Getty Images A deal will still be tough. The war in Gaza hangs in the balance this week as Israel ramps up for what many predict could be the bloodiest battle of the war, while at the same time, a ceasefire deal to end the fighting — at least temporarily — looks more possible than it has in months. On Monday, the political dynamics of the conflict shifted dramatically when Hamas announced it had accepted a draft proposal for a ceasefire and hostage release deal that had been negotiated in Cairo with Egyptian and Qatari mediators. The announcement was greeted with celebrations in the streets of Rafah and demonstrations across Israel calling on the government to take the deal and secure the release of the hostages. But the excitement was short-lived, as Israeli officials quickly said the deal was significantly different from an earlier draft they had found acceptable, and that it had been “softened” during the negotiating process in Hamas’s favor. Even as the negotiations continued, the Israeli Defense Forces pressed on with its Rafah operations, launching a volley of strikes at the city and seizing control of the Rafah border crossing into Egypt. The actions were what many fear is the opening stage of a long-anticipated offensive into the densely packed city, the last section of the enclave outside the IDF’s direct control. But in a sign that diplomacy has not been abandoned entirely, Israel’s war cabinet also dispatched a delegation of mediators to Cairo “to exhaust the possibility of reaching an agreement under conditions acceptable to Israel.” (Israeli negotiators had not been present when the latest proposal was drafted.) It has also reportedly agreed to keep its operations in Rafah limited to taking control of the area’s border crossing, rather than launching an all-out ground assault — at least for the time being. On Tuesday, US National Security Council spokesperson John Kirby struck an optimistic note on a call with reporters, saying that a “close assessment of the two sides’ positions suggests that they should be able to close the remaining gaps.” That assessment is not shared by the Israelis, who say the gaps between the two sides are still wide. As of now, there are more questions than answers about what may be the last chance for the foreseeable future to stop a war in Gaza that has killed more than 30,000 people. How did this happen? Just three days ago, the ceasefire talks appeared to be on the verge of collapse. Israel did not even send a delegation to the talks over the weekend, which, in addition to Hamas, included the Egyptians, Qataris, and a US delegation led by CIA director William Burns. (The US does not negotiate directly with Hamas, which it considers a terrorist organization, but communicates its positions and proposals to the group through the intermediaries.) When the latest round of talks began over the weekend, Hamas had not yet issued a response to the latest ceasefire proposal, which had been pushed aggressively by the US and had been agreed to by Israel, according to media reports. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had vowed to move ahead with plans for a ground incursion into Rafah, which Israel describes as Hamas’s last holdout, but where around 1.5 million Palestinians displaced from the fighting have taken refuge. All indications were that the two sides were not actually interested in a ceasefire. On Sunday, Hamas launched a rocket and mortar attack on a border crossing between Gaza and Israel. On Monday, Israel ordered a partial evacuation of about 110,000 people as its warplanes struck targets around Rafah. So it came as something of a bolt out of the blue on Monday when Hamas agreed to a ceasefire proposal, even if it wasn’t the same one the Israelis had agreed to. “Hamas’ acceptance of a deal that Israel says was not on the table certainly seems to have taken Israel by surprise, and also seems to have successfully forced Netanyahu’s hand by getting him to send a negotiating team to Cairo, which he had been refusing to do previously.” Michael Koplow, an expert on Israeli politics and chief policy officer at the Israel Policy Forum, told Vox. What’s on the table? The previous and only ceasefire of this war, in November 2023, lasted for a week and saw the release of 105 Israeli hostages and 240 Palestinian prisoners. The main division now between the two sides — and one that may be irreconcilable — is that Hamas is seeking a permanent end to the fighting and the withdrawal of Israeli troops, while Israel wants only another temporary ceasefire in exchange for the return of hostages, and remains committed to continuing its military operation until Hamas is wiped out. The Egyptian-Qatari proposal attempts to fudge this divide by separating the ceasefire into three phases. In the first phase, which would last for six weeks, fighting would be suspended, the IDF would withdraw from parts of Gaza, and a prisoner exchange process would begin. Hamas would release 33 Israeli hostages, three at a time — starting with women, young people, older people, and ill hostages. In return for each hostage, Israel would release a certain number of Palestinian prisoners depending on various criteria. (For instance, according to one reported draft, Israel would release 40 Palestinian women prisoners for every female IDF soldier released.) Israel had previously insisted on 40 hostages being released in the initial phase, but it’s not clear if enough of the 128 remaining hostages who meet the criteria for transfer are actually still alive. In the text of the Hamas-agreed draft, published by Al Jazeera on Monday, this hostage-release scheme is pretty similar to what Israel reportedly agreed to in April, with a few differences. (For instance, in the April draft, three hostages would be released every three days. In the new draft, three would be released every seven days, and then the remainder would be released at the end of the six weeks.) The much tougher bit comes in phase two. Here, hostage releases would continue — eventually to include male civilians and soldiers — and the two sides would take steps toward “restoring a sustainable calm,” wording which was reportedly crafted by the US to allow the Israelis to avoid committing upfront to a permanent ceasefire. The hope from the White House is that a cessation in fighting during phase one will allow space for negotiations on a longer peace. “It has been the stated aim of the United States to ensure that an initial six-week ceasefire would be built into something more enduring,” a senior US administration official told Vox. “The agreement lays out three phases for this purpose and it would be our aim to see all three phases completed with all the hostages returned to their families.” As for Hamas, a deputy to the group’s leader in Gaza Yahya Sinwar said on Monday that Egypt would be the guarantor of the deal and would somehow assure that the war did not resume. Hamas said they had also received promises that President Biden was committed to implementing the deal. What about the Israelis? “There seems to be a way out of this, which is for both sides to agree to punt permanent ceasefire negotiations to a second phase,” said Koplow. “But that can only happen if Netanyahu is willing to embrace some strategic ambiguity rather than insisting at every turn that there will be no permanent ceasefire.” It’s unclear exactly how phase two differs between the two drafts, though the Al Jazeera report suggests that under phase two in the Hamas-agreed version, “Israeli forces shall withdraw completely from the Gaza Strip.” Agreeing to that upfront is almost certainly a nonstarter for Israel. In the third phase, the two sides would exchange remains of the dead and begin a process of reconstruction for Gaza. According to media reports about the earlier draft, the third phase also included language committing Hamas to not rebuilding its military arsenal or infrastructure. This pledge is not in the text published by Al Jazeera. Israel might insist on it. Where is the US? Israeli officials have suggested that the Hamas offer is a ploy to make it appear as if Israel was rejecting a deal. They have also expressed frustration with the Biden administration, suggesting that the Americans knew about the proposal ahead of time and didn’t warn the Israelis. The White House has denied keeping the Israelis in the dark, but has also been somewhat coy about whether Burns had any hand in crafting the proposal, with Kirby saying on Monday that it is “safe to conclude that that response came as a result or at the end of these continued discussions that Director Burns was part of.” The Biden administration has publicly and repeatedly opposed a major ground operation in Rafah, saying it has not seen what it considers an adequate plan from Israel to protect civilians. The president has personally warned Netanyahu that an assault on Rafah would cross a “red line.” Perhaps with those objections in mind, the IDF has described its operations this week as a “precise counterterrorism operation,” which is more or less what the US was urging Israel to do. Kirby also said on Tuesday that the White House had been assured by the Israelis that this was “an operation of limited scope, scale and duration.” Whether it will stay that way remains to be seen. Defense Minister Yoav Gallant told a group of Israeli soldiers on Tuesday that unless Hamas agreed to return the hostages, “we will go on and deepen the operation.” (Limited or not, the escalating airstrikes have already forced roughly 50,000 people to flee Rafah.) The US hasn’t made clear exactly what would happen if Israel crosses the “red line,” but it is currently holding up several shipments of weapons to Israel, in what officials tell Politico is an attempt to send Israel a political message. Is there a way out? Aaron David Miller, a veteran Mideast peace negotiator for several US administrations now at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, told Vox that while “constructive ambiguity” has often been useful in Israeli-Palestinian talks in the past, what’s taking place now “is a very strange negotiation.” That’s because, he said, the two sides have defined the stakes as “existential.” While Hamas has taken significant casualties in this war, it has not been wiped out, as Israel vowed to do after October 7, and a ceasefire now would mean it would remain a significant political presence in Gaza. It’s far from clear that Israel is willing to live with that. Another reason for skepticism, he says, is that both Netanyahu and Hamas’s Sinwar “are thinking first and foremost, not about how to relieve the suffering of the Gazan people or relieve suffering of these early hostages or their families. They’re thinking long-term about how to survive this.” A recent poll found that 62 percent of Israelis think a hostage deal should take precedence over a Rafah operation, a majority that made itself very visible on Monday’s demonstrations. But that’s not the view of Netanyahu’s right-wing coalition partners, including Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, who described the Hamas offer as a “manipulative trap” and urged his government to “press harder and harder on … Hamas’s throats until they are destroyed, to speak only with fire.” If his allies bolt from his fragile coalition, Netanyahu could be out of a job, which — given his unrelated legal troubles — could mean he is back in court or behind bars. “[Netanyahu] is unwilling to risk [National Security Minister Itamar] Ben Gvir and Smotrich bolting from his coalition, and I haven’t seen anything indicating that he is going to reverse course on that anytime soon,” said Israel Policy Forum’s Koplow. The stakes are even higher for Sinwar, who has to worry about his own survival in a very literal sense. Miller said this should cause us to take commitments made by Hamas’s political leadership outside of Gaza with a grain of salt: “These negotiations are indirect. The key Palestinian decision-maker is 20 or 30 meters underground somewhere surrounded by hostages.” Ultimately, the differences in wording between the various drafts of the ceasefire may matter less than whether the two sides actually want the deal. That’s far from clear.

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The internet may be, as the 2003 musical Avenue Q put it, constructed for pornography, but the website formerly known as Twitter has become overwhelmed by it. Almost any tweet, no matter how anodyne, generates replies that say “NUDES IN BIO” or feature actual pornography. I tweeted recently about the History Channel series Alone, a reality-television show in which people are left to their own devices and occasionally ward off bears, and among the responses was a spam image that displayed the entirety of one (extremely flexible) woman’s genitalia.The constant and absolutely unavoidable nudes on X are partially the product of a spam operation, the purpose of which appears to be, as with any spam operation on the internet, to eventually separate some poor user from their money. But they also perfectly embody what I call the nudes internet: a space in which everything—every ad, meme, and argument—is reduced to sex. Not actual sexual intercourse, mind you. Not even the omnipresent “NUDES IN BIO” spam ads promise that you, the humble clicker upon the ad, will actually get to have sex with the woman in the picture. Rather, on the nudes internet, sex means power and worth, and the goal is to accumulate it, for no reason but to have it, like an expensive couch that is impossible to sit on. Thus, the procurement of sex, the display of sex, sex as a competitive market place, sex as an economic vehicle, sex as a cure-all, sex as a moral cudgel—the nudes internet is less about sex itself and more about what it symbolizes.[From the December 2018 issue: Why are young people having so little sex?]The problem with the nudes internet is not actually the nudes in my mentions, even though the nudes are incredibly, unspeakably irritating—if I tweet about the NFL or the Bible, my greatest wish is not to see AI-generated labia in the responses. Rather, the problem is the sexualization of absolutely everything that takes place within the nudes internet, which is now leaking out into the broader internet. You can find it in the comments section on an innocuous Instagram post or YouTube video. You can find it in the diatribes of conservative commentators furious that college students aren’t sexy anymore, or that teens aren’t having sex in the backseat of cars anymore. Or in the left-leaning publications that firmly believe we'd all be hornier if we just had sexier movie stars and mitigated the intervention of the market.Where did this all come from? Interest in sex—even crass public discussion of sex—is hardly novel. I grew up in the 1990s, when the Clinton impeachment scandal, lad mags, girl power, and evangelical purity culture combined to create an environment in which female sexual availability was simultaneously desired and disgusting. But the nudes internet is different. As culture has moved online, the entrance fee for all kinds of cultural activity has become a kind of performance—not actually having sex, but it is imperative looking like, and sounding like, you could.Over the past decade, three big changes in internet culture have had a particularly big impact. The first is the rise of OnlyFans. In 2016, the British entrepreneur Timothy Stokely launched the platform that connects creators of content (including sexual content) to people willing to pay to see it and occasionally interact with the creator. While some content creators on OnlyFans are YouTubers, sports figures, and influencers, many do create sexual content for their subscribers. The platform rewarded those content creators for commercializing their social-media interactions—and because they could be literally anyone, brought the marketing of sex into more mainstream spaces.The second is also driven by a flourishing internet subculture that builds on old-school pickup artists. Pickup artistry gamifies getting women (referred to as “targets”) to sleep with men (referred to as “closing”). Eric Weber’s How to Pick Up Girls! was published in 1971. But a new breed of social-media influencer has discovered that peddling such advice can be extremely lucrative. They tell their followers that having sex with women is among life’s primary purposes, and that women themselves are easily manipulated at best and duplicitous schemers at worst. The object is not the sex but the pursuit and the outward performance of sex, getting to be viewed as the man who has sex with as many women as possible.The pickup artists selling programs for men looking to have casual sex have developed a distinctive language: 5s and 6s or “mid” to refer to women whose appearance is passable (to them), Chads and Staceys to refer to the idealized, largely imaginary men and the women those idealized men are purportedly privileged to sleep with, and the popular “304” (the digits typed into a calculator then viewed upside down look like the word hoe) to describe any woman, doing anything, anywhere, ever.The third and most recent change is Elon Musk’s purchase of Twitter. He made changes to the platform so that virality paid actual money to users willing to purchase a blue check mark. Nothing goes viral faster than something about sex. As other users began to adopt the language of OnlyFans creators and pickup-artist influencers, the nudes internet reached escape velocity.[Read: The ugly honesty of Elon Musk’s Twitter rebrand]No one is sexually freer or more sexually satisfied because everyone online is yelling about how the breasts of a young actress ended “wokeness.” Instead, sexiness has become yet another role that people online, and even offline, must perform. The internet is a place awash in the idea of sex as a scourge, goal, and a thing you Absolutely Must Get or Else You Are Worthless (unless you happen to be a young woman, in which case you must appear to be sexually desirable but ideally never have sex, but not seem like you never have sex, lest you appear “frigid”). Everyone should be hot enough for you to want to have sex with them, and everything—people, products, movies—should be sexy. None of this facilitates the having of actual sex by actual human beings; instead, the nudes internet is built on the belief that being sexy, or more important, being seen as sexy, is just how you keep score in life.The cure for the nudes internet is to emphasize an alternative—an internet in which the pursuit and performance of sex and sexiness is not the primary purpose of being alive. As a young woman told a Los Angeles Times reporter who was writing about why Gen Z is having less sex than previous generations, “Maybe you don’t have to have sex all the time. Maybe if you’re doing other things in your life, and you’ve got other priorities, or you just don’t feel like it, that can be a good enough answer.”

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