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Is Civility Enough?

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For nearly a year, we’ve been participating in a DIY experiment in civility. We’ve gotten to know our new neighbors, who happen to be supporters of January 6 insurrectionists. One of those neighbors is Micki Witthoeft, the mother of Ashli Babbitt, who was killed at the Capitol on January 6. We’ve learned a lot about their family lives, their heartaches, and their two new kittens. We’ve also listened to them—while in both public and private settings—repeat things that we, as journalists, and most Americans know to be blatantly untrue. And for the most part, we’ve followed the rules about how to talk across an epistemological chasm: Stay calm. Don’t try to change anyone’s mind.

In this final episode of We Live Here Now, the outcome of our homegrown experiment comes into focus. Lauren visits Witthoeft at her San Diego home and sees a softer side of her. Hanna talks to Representative Jamie Raskin, who has something essential in common with Witthoeft. And we contemplate what might be coming for us on January 6, 2025.

This is the sixth and final episode of We Live Here Now, a six-part series about what happened when we found out that our new neighbors were supporting January 6 insurrectionists.

The following is a transcript of the episode:

Lauren Ober: It’s been almost a year now of reporting on our neighbors—their routines, their regrets, their mission. And even though Micki has asked me on countless occasions, what more I could possibly want to know about them, I had one final interview request. Perhaps the most contentious presidential election of our lives was bearing down on us, and I guess I felt like we should have a little closure beforehand.

[Music]

Ober: Now I’m trained, when I bike pass or drive past, to see: Is there anybody on the porch? And there hasn’t been.

Micki Witthoeft: Well, I saw you and Hanna walking your dogs about three days ago.

Ober: But you should have said hi.

Witthoeft: Well, I wasn’t sure if you wanted to be addressed in public by a wackadoodle cult leader, so I thought I would keep that hello to myself.

Ober: Despite Micki guaranteeing me, in no uncertain terms, that she would not be listening to the podcast, she has—every episode. And no, for the record, I did not call her a wackadoodle cult leader. I’ve just said some of her ideas are wackadoodle, and she sometimes looks like a cult leader. Anyway.

Ober: We are almost—we’re slightly more than a month away from a very consequential election in America. So where’s your brain now, looking at, you know, how close we are?

Witthoeft: Well, I think no matter how the election goes, I think there’s going to be a certain amount of chaos. You know, obviously, there’s going to be one side that is not happy. But our plan is to be here through the election, and then, you know, of course we want to be here to celebrate Donald Trump’s inauguration. But beyond that, Lauren, I really don’t know.

[Music]

Ober: Inside my brain are two dueling ideas. For me, for the people I love, for democracy, for our nation’s standing in the world, I want so much for Micki to end up disappointed when the election is all said and done. I want us to move on from the Big Lie. I want America to right its little ship and sail on to smoother seas.

But then there’s this truth: I like Micki. I like Nicole. Perhaps in spite of themselves, they are very lovable. During this year of knowing them, a tiny crack has opened up in us—me and Hanna, Micki and Nicole—and let a little sun in, just a sliver of light, enough to feel that we aren’t meant to live in this darkness forever.

Hanna Rosin: Something I’ve noticed, here at the endgame: Lauren can’t talk about this project anymore without crying. I’m surprised she got through that last section without crying. She knows that our neighbors stand for a version of America that we just don’t understand—one where January 6ers are victims, not traitors, where the government is out to get us all, and where Donald Trump is the one to make it all right. And yet, she can’t help but feel genuineaffection for them.

Ober: Right now, our country is in a holding pattern. So Micki and I can live in a suspended reality where, maybe, Americans aren’t totally sunk. We aren’t a lost cause. She and I can go on being friendly and teasing, and we can see each other’s humanity and want the best for each other. But will that hold true the day after the election? And what about beyond? Will our delicate glimmer of connection mean anything then? God, I hope.

I’m Lauren Ober.

Rosin: And I’m Hanna Rosin. And from The Atlantic, this is We Live Here Now.

[Music]

Rosin: Recently, I biked up to Capitol Hill, just a couple miles from our neighborhood. I was going to visit with Democratic Congressman Jamie Raskin of Maryland. If you spend too much time with people who are trying to whitewash January 6, as we’ve been doing, Raskin is the person to see for a reality check, because Raskin’s experience with January 6 is personal—under the skin, not unlike Micki’s. His son, Tommy, had died of suicide about a week before. And in the months of sleepless nights that followed, Raskin wrote a book, Unthinkable: Trauma, Truth, and the Trials of American Democracy, which is about Tommy and about January 6.

Jamie Raskin: When I finished writing it, people would say to me, Well, I’m glad you did that, but what did those two things have to do with each other? And to my mind, they’re absolutely inextricable. It’s all intertwined.

Rosin: What do you mean?

Raskin: Well, they’re both things that I lived through, but in trying to make sense of it, I suppose I’ve constructed a certain kind of narrative. I hope it’s not a narrative that’s disconnected from reality, but I see a lot of what was taking place in the context of COVID-19 and the darkness of that period and the isolation of that period and the way in which people were so atomized and depressed and isolated. And I certainly know that was the case for Tommy.

Rosin: On January 6, Raskin had planned to give a speech mentioning Tommy, and his daughter came to see it. Then she spent the afternoon hiding under House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer’s desk while rioters outside yelled, “Hang Mike Pence,” and her father worried about how she’d get out of there. So when anyone tries to say the day was “love and peace,” as Trump did last week, or that rioters are being unfairly punished, Raskin gets intense.

Raskin: He calls them political prisoners, which is a lie. And he calls them hostages, which is a lie.

A hostage is somebody who’s been illegally abducted by a criminal or a terrorist group and held for a financial or political ransom. What does it have to do with hundreds of people who’ve been prosecuted for assaulting officers and invading the Capitol and trying to interfere with a federal proceeding?

And most of them pled guilty. So how are they hostages? What makes them political prisoners? Suddenly they’re like Alexei Navalny, who died at the hands of Vladimir Putin? They’re like Nelson Mandela? I don’t think so.

Rosin: In the last few weeks leading up to this next election, Raskin has been touring the country, and everywhere he goes, he says people ask him, Are we gonna see another January 6? And he tells them, Not exactly. What we will see, he believes, is something less violent but more insidious: in state after state, countless challenges of legitimate election results. Trump, he says, is already laying the groundwork.

Raskin: The new crisis has already begun, with lies that are being told by Donald Trump about the hurricanes and about FEMA, and he’s already trying to undermine people’s faith and confidence in the electoral process, in the electoral system.

Rosin: For Raskin, January 6 was one tragic day. But the long-haul tragedy is the patient and diligent effort to spread misinformation every day and get new people to believe it—to be an evangelist for total falsehoods, which could be a way to describe what Micki’s been up to.

But if this series has taught us anything, it’s that if you look hard enough, you can find the tiny thread of connection between people who are far apart. And in this case, it’s right there. These are two parents who lost children just days apart, and both of their children’s deaths are forever intertwined with the same day in American history. So I brought up Micki with Raskin.

Rosin: We have had such an odd experience, where I would say getting to know them has both increased the humanity and increased the sort of sense of like, Wow, they are deep in, you know. It’s like both of those things at once.

Raskin: I told him about the very particular way she was moving through her grief. And he was reluctant to psychoanalyze, but he had thoughts.

Raskin: I don’t think that grief is an emotion that, in its unadulterated form, has any real political content or meaning or motivation. And so I think what you’re talking about is something that is post-grief, which is trying to make meaning of a loss.

Rosin: Interesting. Okay. What do you mean?

Raskin: I mean, I assume she experienced just overwhelming grief and despondency and shock and sorrow to lose her daughter. Then after that shock is somehow metabolized, I assume she has to figure out what her daughter’s death means. What is the loss?

[Music]

Rosin: Raskin’s idea cracked something open for me. If we understand Micki as being in this process of figuring out what her daughter’s death means, well, it’s probably a long process, and it can shift.

Right now, Micki is painting one kind of picture of her daughter’s death—on a really huge, national canvas—where her daughter is a martyr, and millions of people are angry and grieving along with her.

Ober: But I get the sense that could be changing. On October 10, which would have been Ashli’s 39th birthday, Micki went to lay some flowers outside the U.S. Capitol. But unlike previous years, when Micki made it a public thing and announced that she’d be commemorating Ashli’s birthday, and then the haters came to troll her, this year was more quiet, private—no real fanfare, at least not until the Capitol Police came out and shooed her away. This time, Ashli wasn’t a symbol; she was just Micki’s daughter.

That makes me wonder if, instead of forever situating Ashli’s memory against the backdrop of January 6, Micki might be able to sketch a much smaller, more intimate portrait of her daughter, one that draws from Ashli’s life before she came to D.C. And then maybe she could use that smaller, more familiar portrait of Ashli to ease into a new future for herself, one that draws from Ashli’s life before she came to D.C.

So I went to see that life.

Wilma: Do you still wanna put your toes in the sand, sister?

Ober: I mean, let’s get out. Let’s—

Wilma: Yeah. Let’s—okay. Hold on. I’m gonna—

Ober: A couple of months ago, I invited myself to Micki’s hometown, San Diego, where she was staying with her best friend, Wilma. Micki told me she had to go back home to deal with some family issues—her father had recently died—and I asked if I could go visit her there for a few days. She unenthusiastically consented.

Wilma: I’ll pull over right here. Let’s see. Let’s see. Well, well—what the hell.

Ober: This is so wild that you can drive right up to the beach. Okay!

Ober: You might remember Wilma from a couple of episodes ago, the Wilma who pulled Micki from her grief cave and took her on a Mother’s Day road trip. After Ashli’s death, Wilma and Micki spent a lot of time on a blip of land in San Diego’s Mission Bay called Fiesta Island.

Wilma: There she blows. I’m going to roll the windows down, let some fresh air in here where we put our feet in the sand.

Ober: It’s a man-made landmass in a man-made bay popular with cyclists and dogs and people who like to fish. In this little dot of paradise, ospreys dive for their lunch and shaggy dogs chase frisbees.

Witthoeft: And then we’re turning these mics off, right?

Ober: Yeah.

Witthoeft: Are you ready now?

Ober: Not yet.

Witthoeft: Why?

Ober: Because I want to record the fish flopping out of the water there, and then I can be done.

Wilma: Oh, yeah. They do.

Witthoeft: There are some jumpers, now that you mentioned it. Do you see it right there?

Ober: Micki’s just watching the striped mullets leap out of the water and listening to Wilma encourage me again to stick my toes in the sand.

Wilma: Are you taking your shoes off and trying the sand out in the water?

Ober: You want me to?

Wilma: You’re going to go, Oh my gosh. This water is so warm.

Ober: All right.

Wilma: It feels great.

Ober: The Micki on this island isn’t wearing an Ashli Babbitt T-shirt or talking about politics. She’s tan, and she’s dressed for the beach. If January 6 or the “Patriot Pod” or the vigil are on her mind, she’s not saying. She seems calm, maybe even at peace. She seems like she fits here.

So now I know, this other Micki does exist. Could this version of Micki grieve her daughter’s death in a different way, a way that’s not mostly anger? The potential to exist in some lighter way might live here, on this coast.

[Music]

Ober: Lakeside, California, is a small cowboy town outside of San Diego. The high school mascot is a vaquero—“cowboy” in Spanish—and the town has a rodeo ring. It’s where Micki and Wilma lived nearly their whole married lives and raised their kids. Wilma’s still there, in a low-slung house on a loud street, with a trailer parked in the backyard that serves as Micki’s home away from D.C.

Ober: All right, so what is this here? What do we have? Layton by Skyline.

Witthoeft: It’s really weird that I name everything, but I haven’t named this.

Ober: You haven’t? Why?

Witthoeft: I don’t know.

Ober: Micki loves this place. She said doesn’t want anyone feeling sorry for her because she stays in a trailer home. It’s cozy, and it’s a source of comfort. Plus, it holds all her treasures.

Witthoeft: Check this out.

Ober: Wait. This is your Christmas book?

Witthoeft: Yeah.

Ober: She pulled out a photo album with Santa photos over the years.

Ober: Okay.

Witthoeft: There’s Ashli.

Ober: Oh my God. Cute.

Witthoeft: That’s Ashli, Roger, and Joey.

Ober: (Laughs.) Wait. Hold on. Oh my God. Wow. Oh my god. Good-looking kids.

Witthoeft: Yeah, they’re not bad.

Ober: I continued my self-guided tour and landed in the bedroom.

Ober: Did you decorate this? Did you put all these little bits and bobs in here? Little tchotchkes?

Witthoeft: Yeah. And that’s Ashli in the urn.

Ober: What? Where?

Witthoeft: The little urn.

Ober: Oh, next to the mini American flag and the MAGA—I have my sunglasses on.

Witthoeft: That was a gift.

Ober: Okay. All right. And then, wait. What’s—oh, that’s a mirror.

Witthoeft: Afraid so—’70s, you know.

Ober: Oh my god.

Ober: It felt weird that we just glanced at the urn and kept on chatting.

Ober: This is awesome!

Witthoeft: I like it.

Ober: This is great.

Ober: But that’s how it happened.

[Music]

Ober: Are these your books? Norah Ephron.

Witthoeft: Uh-huh.

Ober: Sheryl Sandberg.

Witthoeft: [I Feel Bad] About My Neck I started to read.

Ober: Oh, great book. Yeah. [I Feel Bad] About My Neck, Nora Ephron—classic.

Ober: Anyway, I wanted to see more than just the inside of Micki’s trailer and the memories it held. So on one of the days I was visiting, Micki and Wilma took me on a little driving tour of Micki’s old life.

Ober: All right, I’m gonna record right now.

Witthoeft: Okay. Oh, my seat belt is right on the microphone.

Ober: I asked them if we could drive past the Witthoefts’ old house, the house where Micki raised Ashli. Micki was fine with it, but she didn’t want to come with us. She asked to get out of the minivan.

Witthoeft: I’m going to get out of the car at 7-Eleven, and Wilma will take you by the house. I just don’t have any desire to go by the house.

Ober: Mm-hmm. And this is the house that you lived in for how long?

Witthoeft: Twenty-four years.

Ober: Ah, ah, ah, ah.

Witthoeft: I’ll be right here.

Wilma: Aye-aye.

Ober: We dropped Micki off at the 7-Eleven, and Wilma and I continued driving towards the old Witthoeft homestead, which Micki lost in 2018 as the result of a family situation she didn’t want to get into.

Ober: So why do you think Micki doesn’t want to see the house?

Wilma: Because she really didn’t want to move from there. That was, you know—she lived there forever. Whoever wants to move out of a house you’ve been in for 20-plus years?

Ober: Right. Right. Right. Right.

Wilma: So, you know, I get it. I’m just gonna pull over there even though it says, “No Parking.” And this was Mick’s house right here.

Ober: Oh, get out.

Ober: The house was a narrow rambler with a small, brick porch and a giant California fan palm out front.

Ober: Wait. It goes all the way back?

Wilma: Uh-huh. It’s a fairly big piece of property.

Ober: Jesus. It’s really big.

Ober: The plot of land, not the house.

Ober: Okay.

Ober: It’s not a house you’d ever notice if you weren’t looking for it.

Ober: All right.

Ober: We swung around the block and headed back towards the 7-Eleven to collect Micki. I hadn’t turned her wireless microphone off, so I heard her say to herself as she stood in the parking lot—

Witthoeft: You just never fucking know, do you?

Ober: It’s true; you don’t. Because here I was, getting a driving tour of Ashli Babbitt’s childhood stomping grounds from her mother and her mother’s best friend.

Witthoeft: Okay. So yeah, the white house up on the hill—we lived there when Ashli was in kindergarten.

Ober: Oh wow.

Ober: We drove past the family home where Ashli kept the hog she had raised for ag class, and the high school where Ashli played water polo, and the middle school where Ashli once got made fun of for being poor. This tour of the old haunts allowed Micki to show me a different version of Ashli than the one I had in my head. I would have to try to see the Ashli that Micki saw.

There was Ashli the little kid gymnast, and Ashli the Brownie, and Ashli the flutophone player—whatever that is. And there was Ashli the tomboy, who roughhoused with the boys in their dusty cow town. Micki got a kick out of telling me how Ashli had no fear.

Witthoeft: She’ll go out there and snatch up that lizard that I don’t want to get, you know, and be out there playing hockey with the boys and riding motorcycles with the boys and never letting herself be second in line.

Ober: Then there’s the Ashli who loved her grandpa so much, she wanted to follow in his footsteps and join the military. Micki was so proud of her daughter’s bent towards service. But—

Witthoeft: I was always praying that she wouldn’t, because—

Ober: Because the military is—

Witthoeft: Dangerous.

Ober: Dangerous. Right.

Witthoeft: And in particular, at that time.

Ober: Mm-hmm. You were worried because that would have been in Iraq and Afghanistan.

Witthoeft: Yeah.

Ober: Right. So you were worried that she would join the military and then get deployed.

Witthoeft: Yes. And then she joined the military and got deployed.

Ober: Right. Right. What is making you emotional right now, can I ask?

Witthoeft: (Breath shudders.) I think it’s all the irony of all the time I spent worried about her safety and that it never crossed my mind that she would be killed in the way she was.

Ober: Mm-hmm. Right.

Witthoeft: To have her killed at a Trump rally at the Capitol was really just, to me—it’s surreal.

Ober: So one minute, you can be putting your toes in the sand, and the next minute, you’re drowning in the despair. This pendulum is punishing. It swings back and forth: San Diego Micki, D.C. Micki.

Maybe, over time, these two versions come closer together. But right now, they still feel miles apart. Today, D.C. Micki prevails. She’s not quite ready to leave the “Eagle’s Nest.” She has an election to see through.

That’s after the break.

[Break]

Ober: A few months ago, the Eagle’s Nest got some new residents. The two recent arrivals are much less political than Micki and Nicole, and they don’t have anything to do with the vigil—because they are cats.

Rosin: We can see the pair on the screened-in porch when we walk the dogs past the house: Two little, ginger-striped kittens scrambling up the porch furniture or peering out the screened window.

Ober: The kittens are called This One and That One, which, honestly, is better than Barron and Don, or George and Martha—the other names in the running. They came from a J6 supporter in rural Pennsylvania, and they seem to be fitting in well. Oliver, the dog, lets them climb all over him, and the Eagle’s Nest’s resident mouse seems to be cowed by their presence. Now, they have interrupted more than a couple of my interviews with Micki, but I’m willing to let that slide.

Witthoeft: That’s the reason we share a room. It’s because both of us have spent—that’s going to show up on here. You’re gonna hear that.

Ober: Are your kittens—do they need to come in here?

Witthoeft: They know I’m in here, and everybody else is upstairs, and their bag of food is in here, but there’s food in their dish, so I don’t know. They just want you, Lauren.

Ober: I doubt that. But what I don’t doubt is the power of a baby animal to soften even the hardest of hearts.

Ober: I feel like maybe these cats are good for you, these kittens.

Witthoeft: I think so too.

Ober: Yeah.

Witthoeft: Even though I told myself I’m never going to get attached to anything on purpose again.

Ober: Wait. Why not get attached to something again?

Witthoeft: Just—it’s messy. When Fuggles died, it was really hard for me. And I just decided that maybe I don’t want to go through that anymore, ever.

Ober: Hmm. But it feels like maybe a pet’s a good thing.

Witthoeft: Yeah. Well, they’ve been good for the house, really, other than the fact that—I don’t know if you’ve noticed it, but—I’m a little neurotic, and I’m like, Oh, look out. Look out. Look out. Look out. And I’m the one that propped the door open, because I have this horrible—like, this door’s going to swing down, and that door’s heavy, and you only get to make that mistake once when they’re this size.

So I think it’s going to be actually even a little bit more enjoyable when they put on a little stability.

Ober: I’ve often asked Micki and Nicole how long they plan on staying in D.C. I never get a straight answer. They have money to stay through Election Day and possibly Inauguration Day, depending on which way the vote goes. That’s largely thanks to a $50,000 donation from Patrick Byrne, the founder of Overstock.com and perpetuator of the Big Lie.

Micki and Nicole don’t feel ready to leave yet—the job isn’t done. But they’re beginning to assess their time here in D.C. Recently, Nicole told me she’s had some reservations. She suggests that there’s been a futility to all this, or maybe worse than futility.

Nicole: I don’t want to really get up and get out a lot anymore. I just feel like everything I’ve told everybody is just kind of a lie—that if you just keep fighting, that our system is going to work.

Ober: She means, specifically, that in the early days of January 6 prosecutions, when they were in fight mode, she steered families towards trials rather than plea deals. She counseled people that they should fight their cases and never give in, just like her family did.

Nicole: And so I feel like a big, fat liar. And I feel like I’ve persuaded people, maybe, to make wrong decisions when they could be at home, but instead they’re in jail. And I feel real culpable in that. And the only thing I still know to say is that, Well, yeah. We’re going to take this punch, but you still got to put your head down, and you just got to bowl forward.

Ober: This whole Eagle’s Nest operation—the vigil, the rallies, the constant presence in court and on Capitol Hill—it’s all the result of just bowling forward, head down, eyes clear. Nicole has told Micki she won’t leave her. Even when her husband, Guy, gets out of prison, Nicole and Micki will always be ride or die.

But at some point, don’t they get to live a normal life where some happiness can creep in here and there?

Ober: Do you want that?

Witthoeft: I think everybody wants that. I just don’t know if I see it for myself.

Ober: Why?

Witthoeft: It’s because I’m just too damaged, angry. I don’t really know. Maybe one day I’ll be picking flowers and smelling daisies. I don’t know.

Ober: Before we parted ways, I felt like it was necessary to give Micki a chance to react to anything Hanna and I reported. Up to this point, Hanna and I had been guiding the conversations, trying to get at the information we felt was important. It seemed only right to try and even the scales a bit.

Ober: Is there anything that I don’t get? Is there anything that you need to clarify? Is there any critique or anything that you need to say before, you know, we’re done with our interviews forever?

Witthoeft: Oh, I’m gonna miss ’em.

I think the only thing I can say that I haven’t said to death, because this has been an ongoing—it’s been quite something. I don’t know—you might know more about me than—

But no. I think that people like you and people like me that admittedly come from completely different places in our upbringing, geography, experience, and way of looking at things—I think that if we can sit down and have a civil conversation and just see that you can meet in the middle, at least somewhere, you know, people don’t have to stand on opposite sides of the fence and throw stones. I didn’t mean to cry when I said that. Let’s do—(Claps.) take two!

Ober: I mean, why are you trying to pretend like you’re a hard-ass? (Laughs.)

Witthoeft: No, but it’s just—people don’t want to hear that shit all the time. Eww. (Mock cries.) Nobody likes that.

Ober: Well, I beg to differ. (Laughs.)

Witthoeft: It is what it is.

Ober: I beg to differ. I know I agree with you.

[Music]

Ober: When I’ve told people that Ashli Babbitt’s mother is my neighbor, the first question is often, “What’s she like?” And I can answer that in a lot of different ways. I can say that she’s a conspiracy theorist who believes that the government is capable of anything. Or I can say that she’s a heartbroken mother whose grief has fueled a troubling movement. Or I can say she’s just like any other neighbor—she’s annoyed by the construction on the corner and the ear-splitting police sirens. Me too.

Recently, I had surgery, and she texted a few times to see how I was doing. When her son got jacked up in a motorcycle crash, I texted her to see how he was doing. Basic neighbor stuff.

Rosin: When we walk past the Eagle’s Nest now, we can see the kittens, who are now nearly full-grown cats, wrestling on the porch. Nicole’s Chevy has a new sticker on the back window—a stars-and-stripes “hang loose” symbol. And last month, one, two, and then three Trump-Vance signs appeared on their lawn. And I’m pretty sure I saw two in the windows also.

Ober: The neighborhood chatter about it has been civil, so far. This neighborliness, this connection—it’s fragile. I know that. But at least today, right now, it’s holding. And that’s not nothing.

[Music]

Ober: We Live Here Now is a production of The Atlantic. The show was reported, written, and executive produced by me, Lauren Ober, and Hanna Rosin. Our managing producer is Rider Alsop. Our senior producer is Ethan Brooks. Original scoring, sound design, and mix engineering by Brendan Baker.

Rosin: This series was edited by Scott Stossel and Claudine Ebeid. Fact-checking by Michelle Ciarrocca. Art direction by Colin Hunter. Project management by Nancy DeVille.

The Atlantic’s executive editor is Adrienne LaFrance. Jeffrey Goldberg is The Atlantic’s editor in chief.

An extra special thanks to John Coplen and Dan Zak, without whom this series would not have been possible. And thank you for listening.


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To no one's surprise, the Kansas City Chiefs remain No. 1 in our power rankings, but what about the rest of the league? Find now how we rank the 32 teams.
foxnews.com
Jason Kelce shows Travis evidence to refute ‘sleeping’ photo at Taylor Swift concert
Jason Kelce went to great lengths to prove he wasn't sleeping while at Taylor Swift's Eras Tour in Miami on Friday.
nypost.com
The Knicks and Nets start the NBA season with two very different challenges ahead
New York couldn't have a bigger difference in what's at stake for its NBA teams this season.
nypost.com
NJ family demands justice after finding ‘unrecognizable’ body wearing loved one’s clothes at viewing
A funeral home in Camden, New Jersey is facing allegations of placing the wrong body in a family’s deceased loved one’s clothes.
nypost.com
Trans golfer decides to stop competing with biological females: ‘I’m not a woman’
Nicole Powers said coaches and other competitors have even said, "'You belong here.’ And even with me saying, ‘No, I don’t.'
nypost.com
Liam Payne’s father fully cooperating with authorities while singer’s body remains in Buenos Aires
The singer died after falling off a third-story balcony on Oct. 16. He was 31.
nypost.com
Missing teen hiker in California reunited with family after spending night in sub-freezing temperature
A 16-year-old hiker who went missing during a hike with her dog in Northern California on Sunday has been found safe, search and rescuers said.
foxnews.com
Harris refuses to make concessions to Republicans on any abortion legislation, including religious exemptions
Vice President Kamala Harris was pressed by NBC News' Hallie Jackson whether she would make any concessions to GOP lawmakers in order to get abortion legislation passed as president.
foxnews.com
Inside Armani’s star-packed NYC runway show, new flagship, restaurant and residences
Giorgio Armani recently celebrated his latest silhouettes on the runway — and in the sky. 
nypost.com
The 2 paths deciding the presidency. And, California could determine House control
Former President Donald Trump and Vice President Harris are taking on vastly different approaches to their campaigns as Election Day nears. And, California could determine who controls the House.
npr.org
Why the garment workers of Bangladesh are feeling poorer than ever
Their wages have always been low. With rising inflation and falling prices paid by Western companies for clothing, they're protesting for better pay — and hoping the new government will spur change.
npr.org
All-Pro wide receiver DeAndre Hopkins traded to Chiefs amid Kansas City's slew of injuries: report
As the Kansas City Chiefs continue to deal with injuries to their receiver corps, they have reportedly acquired DeAndre Hopkins from the Tennessee Titans.
foxnews.com
WATCH: Eminem introduces Obama at campaign rally in Detroit
Rapper Eminem took the stage in his home state of Michigan to introduce former President Barack Obama at a campaign event for Vice President Kamala Harris.
abcnews.go.com
Inside Dorchester Collection’s new luxury Lana hotel in Dubai
It’s a distinct departure from the Atlantis and the Taj and Dubai’s other over-the-top beachfront resorts.
nypost.com
Israel takes out another Hezbollah leader, as projectiles intercepted near US secretary of state's hotel
The Israeli military eliminated yet another top commander within Hezbollah this month, as Secretary of State Antony Blinken met with Israeli officials.
foxnews.com
ChatGPT vs the Honor Code
The challenge posed by AI for American colleges and universities is not primarily technological but cultural and economic.
theatlantic.com
How a surprising corps of receivers helped UCLA's Ethan Garbers thrive
The Bruins' rushing attack is last in the country but their running backs have found other ways to influence the game, primarily as receivers and blockers.
latimes.com
Column: It's a big week for big high school football games in the Southland
The Trinity League showdown between Mater Dei and St. John Bosco features the top two teams in the state while the East L.A. Classic moves to SoFi Stadium.
latimes.com
The Sports Report: Dodgers legend Fernando Valenzuela dies at 63
Fernando Valenzuela, a Dodgers legend, baseball icon and the inspiration for Fernandomania, died Tuesday at 63.
latimes.com
Biden-Harris admin shipping migrants to Arizona and Texas to hide border problem before Election Day: ‘It’s about optics’
"They don't want street releases because it will look negative on Kamala Harris," a Homeland Security source told The Post.
nypost.com
2024-25 NBA MVP odds: Luka Doncic opens as favorite over Shai Gilgeous-Alexander, Nikola Jokic
The NBA season is finally here, and one player has established himself as the clear preseason MVP favorite. 
nypost.com
The conflicted history of Israel, Lebanon, and Hezbollah, explained 
A cloud of smoke erupts following an Israeli airstrike on Beirut’s southern suburbs on October 19, 2024. Israel’s recent invasion of Lebanon may have come after months of trading fire with its longtime Lebanese enemy Hezbollah, but the conflict between the two countries goes back decades — before Hezbollah even existed. At the center of the hostilities between the two countries is the issue of Palestine. Israel’s friction with Lebanon began when the latter absorbed more than 100,000 Palestinian refugees in the wake of Israel’s founding in 1948. That friction has only intensified in the decades since, as those refugees, their descendants, and the Lebanese groups they inspired agitated for various forms of self-determination.  Israel launched the current invasion into southern Lebanon on October 1, to push Hezbollah, an Iran-aligned Shia militant and political group, back from its positions in southern Lebanon. Israel hoped to send tens of thousands of its citizens back to their homes in the country’s north, a year after they were forced to leave due to Hezbollah rocket fire.  Throughout the war, Hezbollah has said that it will not cease attacks on Israel until there is a ceasefire in Gaza, though the group’s leadership recently endorsed ceasefire talks that didn’t hinge on a Gaza truce. More than 42,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza over the past year by the Israeli military’s ongoing operations.  The costs of the invasion are quickly rising. Israel has displaced the inhabitants of dozens of villages in southern Lebanon — more than 1 million people, in a population of 6 million — and repeatedly bombed the capitol, Beirut, and its southern suburbs. More than 2,000 Lebanese have been killed in the past year, most in the past month. Over the past year, 28 Israeli civilians and 43 Israeli soldiers have been killed by Hezbollah attacks and in recent ground operations. Though Israel initially promised a “limited” operation in Lebanon, US officials have warned the Israelis about “mission creep” there as the fighting stretches on. And Israel’s decision to invade has also renewed fears of a wider war, especially given the escalation between Israel and Iran. That said, to fully understand what’s happening in Lebanon right now, we’ll need to go back decades. Here’s a timeline of the fraught Israel-Lebanon relationship that can help explain how we arrived at the current situation. 1948 — the Nakba and Palestinian refugees in Lebanon Before there was the state of Israel, there was the Zionist settler colonial project, started in the 19th century by European Jews hoping to create a homeland and escape the pogroms and persecution they faced for centuries in European countries. (Arab Jewish communities had lived for centuries throughout the Middle East, often in cooperation with neighbors of other religions, but with their own distinct culture.) European Jews began settling in Palestine in the late 19th century. At that time, Lebanon was overseen by France, and Palestine by Britain. As more European Jews began settling in Palestine in the face of rising fascism and antisemitic violence on the continent, Zionists appealed to European powers for a Jewish state in Palestine.  In 1947, the United Nations granted that appeal, calling for a partitioned state of Palestine. By that time tensions between Jewish communities and the Muslim countries they lived in were rising, as leaders of Arab countries associated those communities to Zionism; that led to the expulsion of many Jewish communities across the region. Jewish militias had also ethnically cleansed many Palestinian villages and towns; in response to this violence and in defiance of another European colonial project, a full-scale war, known as the Arab-Israeli War, broke out in 1948.  Lebanon was one of the group of allied nations fighting the newly formed Israel and was a safe harbor for some of the 750,000 to 1 million Palestinians forced to flee their homes during the war, an event referred to as the Nakba.  Lebanon mostly welcomed the Palestinian refugees, understanding their status to be temporary. But Lebanon’s political system divides power among the nation’s religious groups, and the influx of mostly Sunni Muslim Palestinians threatened to upset the country’s fragile sectarian power-sharing dynamic. The Lebanese government operates on a confessional system, meaning political power is accorded to different religious groups based on population. That gave the Maronites — a Catholic sect exclusive to Lebanon — significant political power.  Since then, Muslim Palestinians have been relegated to second-class status in Lebanon while Christians were able to gain citizenship. This dynamic would, over the decades, resonate with disenfranchised Lebanese from other religious groups, feeding both internal conflict and conflict with Israel. The Arab-Israeli War also upended the economic stability of southern Lebanon, in a way the area never really recovered from. Prior to 1948, many people in southern towns and border villages relied on access to Palestinian cities for their livelihoods. They lost that access once the state of Israel was formed, and movement was further restricted after the war — Israel captured and incorporated a number of southern Lebanese villages.  1967 — the Six-Day War Following the Nakba, Lebanon’s government sought to avoid the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict, given its weak military and the economic support it was enjoying from the US. However, a war in 1967 — known as the Six-Day War — thrust Lebanon back into the conflict.  The war’s precipitating events began in 1965, when Palestinian groups based in Lebanon, Jordan, and Syria began launching attacks on Israel, against which the Israeli military retaliated with immense force. Those tit-for-tat strikes continued for two years, until Egypt entered the fray. In response to false reports that Israel was scaling up forces on the Syrian border, Egypt mobilized troops, kicked out UN peacekeepers, and closed a key strait, effectively blockading Israel. Syria, Jordan, and Iraq allied themselves with Egypt. Israel then launched a preemptive strike that destroyed most of the Egyptian Air Force, and quickly defeated Egypt and its allies, capturing and claiming new territory: the Sinai Peninsula and Gaza from Egypt, the Golan Heights from Syria, and the West Bank and Jerusalem from Jordan.  All of this has two things to do with Lebanon.  One, the defeat of these allied Arab national armies dealt a death blow to the pan-Arab movement, which was supposed to liberate Palestine. In the immediate term, that meant the Palestinians displaced in the Nakba — including all those living in Lebanon — weren’t going back to their homes any time soon. Two, that reality meant Palestinian militant groups understood they had to fight for their own national liberation.  Those groups — and their message — proliferated in the years following the war. Many, most notably the Palestine Liberation Organization, the national liberation and militia group headed by Yasser Arafat, made Beirut their headquarters.  From Lebanon, those groups would continue to stage attacks targeting Israel.  1975–1990 — the Lebanese Civil War and Israel’s first invasion of Lebanon Before Palestinian militias in Lebanon became models for groups like Hezbollah, they were the inspiration for — and later, partner to — various left-wing armed Lebanese groups disenfranchised by the country’s political structure.  Again, Lebanon’s government is run under what is called a confessional system, in which political representation is based on religion. The president has always been a member of Lebanon’s Maronite Christian group, and the prime minister a Sunni Muslim, with lesser positions and representation for the country’s other religions like the Druze, Shia Muslims, and other Christian sects. Though presidential powers and parliamentary representation have changed, the system remains largely intact. It also reflects significant class divides.  Palestinians arriving in Lebanon during the Nakba were largely Muslims (though some belonged to the Greek Orthodox faith). That influx of Muslims into tiny Lebanon upset the sectarian balance of power — something that would have long-term consequences.  “As a result of Palestinian presence in Lebanon, you have a situation where old sectarian divides within Lebanon resurface, and also old political divides,” Abdel Razzaq Takriti, a professor of history at Rice University who studies Arab radical movements, told Vox. These tensions exploded in April 1975, when Christian nationalist militants attacked a bus carrying Palestinian fighters and their Lebanese comrades through a Christian Beirut suburb, killing 22 people. And they were exacerbated by Israel, which meddled in the fighting in the hopes of pushing the PLO out of Lebanon and ensuring a friendly Maronite Christian government was in power. Israel directly supported the largest Maronite militia, the Phalange, providing arms, training, and funding, sometimes in coordination with the CIA. Israel also openly supported the leader of the Phalange movement for president, in the hopes that he would enter into a peace treaty. Israel took a more direct role three years into the war: In March 1978, it invaded Lebanon in response to an attack by a Palestinian group that killed 34 Israelis. By the time Israeli forces withdrew later that month, as many as 2,000 Lebanese and Palestinians had been killed, 200,000 displaced, and dozens of villages in the south damaged. It also helped turn the tide of the war. Before the invasion, combined left-wing Lebanese and Palestinian forces had made important gains. Israel’s attack, however, strengthened its relationship with the Maronite forces, which would continue through a second Israeli invasion in 1982. The Lebanese Civil War was a deeply complex and devastating conflict; over the course of 15 years, around 100,000 Lebanese and Palestinians were killed, although some reports put that number as high as 150,000. The war finally ended in 1990, following the Taif agreement, which altered the balance of power within Lebanon’s government. But that resolution failed to address the war’s root causes, perpetuating the sectarian dynamics that still plague Lebanese society. Israel was not the only outside country to become involved in Lebanon’s civil war; Syria, the US, and other Arab and European nations all contributed to the chaos. The civil war was happening in the context of the Cold War, and the US in particular was involved because it wanted to eliminate the possibility of communism (and Arab nationalism, which it saw as a corollary) from taking hold in the Middle East.  But Israel’s support of the Maronite sect — and particularly the bloodthirsty militia — only entrenched the unworkable status quo and showed disregard for the country’s sovereignty, fueling Lebanese and Palestinian distrust in Israel. 1982 — Israel’s second invasion of Lebanon, the establishment of Hezbollah, the occupation of southern Lebanon, and the Sabra and Shatila massacre Israel invaded Lebanon again in 1982 to finally oust the Palestine Liberation Organization from the country following an offshoot organization’s assassination attempt on an Israeli politician. This time Israeli forces made it all the way to Beirut. At this point, Israel was still financially and materially supporting the Christian Phalangist militia. In September, the Phalangist militia, with Israeli assistance, carried out a massacre on the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps in west Beirut, despite the fact that the PLO had already left Lebanon. As many as 3,500 Palestinian and Lebanese civilians were killed, and the incident provoked worldwide outrage. Under pressure from the US and UN (in the form of a Security Council ceasefire resolution), Israeli forces moved back to the south following the massacre, ending up south of Lebanon’s Litani River. But Israel would continue to occupy southern Lebanon until 2000, both with ground troops and via its proxy militia there, the South Lebanon Army.  Southern Lebanon was — and still is — largely Shia, one of Lebanon’s historically disenfranchised religious sects. It is also mostly rural, economically disadvantaged, and physically removed from the center of power in Beirut. The southern Shia population had no protection from repeated Israeli invasions, since the Lebanese military presence there was an Israeli proxy force. In the face of this, Hezbollah formed in southern Lebanon in 1982, offering southern Shia communities protection from Israel, stronger political representation in Beirut, and access to resources like health clinics and community centers. It grew into a well-equipped guerilla fighting force supported by Israel’s arch-foe, Iran — which means Israel sees Hezbollah as an existential threat along its northern border. Hezbollah’s early vow to destroy Israel only fueled this understanding.  Israel would launch two military operations against them — one in 1993 and one in 1999, before withdrawing from Lebanon in 2000.  2000-present — war with Hezbollah In the new millennium, there came a shift in Israeli-Lebanese relations. With the PLO leaving Beirut in 1982, renouncing armed resistance as part of the Oslo Accords, and shifting to an administrative role in the Palestinian struggle, Israel’s focus has been on Hezbollah. And the scale of the conflict has shrunk, with most operations taking place on either side of the Israeli-Lebanese border.  The first significant attack of this new phase came in July 2006, when a Hezbollah unit crossed into Israeli territory, kidnapping two Israeli soldiers and killing eight while also firing a rocket barrage into northern Israel. That touched off a month of brutal, intense conflict including aerial bombardment on Lebanese territory. That conflict ended in a UN-backed ceasefire on August 14, 2006. Since then, Hezbollah and Israel have often traded rocket fire over Lebanon’s southern border. In recent months, those attacks have intensified; following Hamas’s October 7, 2023, attack on Israel, Hezbollah has launched thousands of rockets into Israeli territory.  Israel has long had plans to take out Hezbollah, according to Natan Sachs, director of the Middle East program at the Brookings Institution. But it only began to act on those plans in recent weeks. Now, assassinations — particularly of military leader Fuad Shukr and of former Hezbollah head Hassan Nasrallah — have taken out significant portions of Hezbollah’s top- and mid-tier leadership. “Israel has been preparing for this for 18 years,” Sachs said. Israel has managed to seriously damage Hezbollah by killing its leadership and destroying weapons supplies — but it’s unlikely the group will be permanently destroyed or impaired, something Israel has tacitly acknowledged. What’s more, this present invasion, coupled with the destruction and death Israel has wrought against Palestinians, has only served to fuel fresh outrage in Lebanon — and the world — over Israel’s actions. Over the decades, Israel has tried, whether through military or political action, to shape Lebanon according to its interests. It’s repeatedly failed, with its actions sometimes helping to create new foes, as was the case with Hezbollah. Today Israel’s willingness to try to influence internal Lebanese politics seems to be no different: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has threatened to destroy the country unless it pushes Hezbollah out.  Thus far, however, this invasion, like military actions in the past, may only foment even more animosity toward Israel, and further destabilize Lebanon.
vox.com
Sarah Paulson’s effortless elegance — from Prada to pops of color
Fresh off of a Tony-winning turn in Broadway’s “Appropriate,” actress Sarah Paulson has never looked better.
nypost.com
Duran Duran bassist John Taylor teases ‘surprises’ on epic tour, reveals his favorite things from music to art
John Taylor shares with us all the things — from music and art to workout gear — that rock his world.
1 h
nypost.com
What to know about E. coli causes, symptoms amid McDonald’s-linked outbreak
One person died and 10 were hospitalized in an E. coli outbreak in ten states, which health officials linked to the McDonald’s burgers.
1 h
washingtonpost.com
Georgia high school shooting suspect pleads not guilty, demands jury trial
Georgia high school shooting suspect Colt Gray has pleaded not guilty and is demanding a jury trial in the wake of the attack at Apalachee High School.
1 h
foxnews.com
High school football: Week 10 schedule for Oct. 31-Nov. 2
Prep football: Week 10 schedule for Southland teams, Oct. 31-Nov. 2
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latimes.com
Mic'd up LeBron James gives advice to son Bronny on bench before historic NBA debut
Bronny James was just about to take an NBA floor for the first time, and who better to give him advice on the bench than his own father, LeBron James.
1 h
foxnews.com
Gisèle Pelicot Returns to Court to Testify in Rape Case
Her husband is accused of inviting strangers to sexually assault her while she was drugged and unconscious. The trial has transformed the way France discusses sexual violence.
1 h
nytimes.com
Yankees’ Nestor Cortes Jr, dealing with elbow ailment, willing to risk further injury to pitch in World Series
Nestor Cortes Jr. expects to be on the New York Yankees' World Series roster despite facing the risk of a long-term injury as he is dealing with an elbow ailment.
1 h
foxnews.com
Jennifer Hudson dishes on her new Christmas album, sparkling romance with Common: ‘There’s nothing like it’
Twenty years ago, Jennifer Hudson had hit bottom. As in the bottom three of “American Idol” — where she was shockingly up for elimination on the third season of the singing competition with fellow presumptive front-runners Fantasia Barrino and LaToya London. After her powerful pipes had carried her through with covers of Aretha Franklin, Elton...
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nypost.com
Chiefs trading for Titans’ DeAndre Hopkins in NFL blockbuster
Patrick Mahomes has a new No. 1 receiver.
1 h
nypost.com
Appeals court upholds freeing of woman wrongfully imprisoned for 43 years
A Missouri appellate court ruled that a lower court was right when it decided to overturn the murder conviction​ of a woman who spent 43 years behind bars for a killing her lawyers argue was committed by a discredited police officer.
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cbsnews.com
What's scarier than Halloween? Being a poll worker during a presidential election
It's dismaying that we have gotten to the point that it's so scary to be an election worker that we are recruiting former military personnel to operate polling places.
1 h
latimes.com
Why Is Israel Poised to Attack Iran?
The two countries have been fighting a shadow war for years. But direct attacks are bringing direct reprisals, or at least plans for them.
1 h
nytimes.com
They are the two best girls’ tennis players in D.C. They’re also teammates.
Sidwell Friends sophomores Natalie McIntosh and Sara Abouzeid are both undefeated this fall.
1 h
washingtonpost.com
Last-minute hearing could determine whether vulnerable House Dem can vote for herself in key race
Questions have been raised about whether Dem. Rep. Emilia Sykes will be able to vote in November given concerns about whether she resides in her district.
1 h
foxnews.com
Bridget Everett on Bringing Her Full Self to Three Seasons of Somebody Somewhere
The comedian, actor, and singer talks about ending her beloved HBO series, being honored by her hometown, and what's next.
1 h
time.com
Canceling a subscription is about to get easier for you and your wallet
Thanks to a new rule by the Federal Trade Commission, consumers should be able to cut off recurring billing when they want to.
1 h
washingtonpost.com
Martha Stewart says she was ‘dragged into solitary’ in prison and had no food or water for 24 hours
The lifestyle guru, 83, was sent to Alderson Federal Prison Camp in 2004 for charges related to conspiracy and obstruction of justice. 
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nypost.com