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America Is Suffering an Identity Crisis

People often have mixed feelings about their birthdays, especially as they age. Countries can experience that too. For better or worse, America is due for a big birthday party: July 4, 2026, will mark the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence—our national semiquincentennial, in the awkward Latinate construction, or “semiquin” for short. In an ideal world, it would be a moment of commemoration and celebration as well as a chance to reflect on national history. But so far, the semiquin is shaping up as an embarrassingly accurate reflection of America’s identity crisis.

Until recently, America250, the federal commission charged with planning for 2026, was mired in organizational infighting and countless disputes, including over funding shortages and the distribution of patronage. Authorized while Barack Obama was president, the commission started work under Donald Trump, changed course under Joe Biden, and will spend most of 2025 answering to who knows which chief executive. But the challenges of 2026 extend well beyond logistics, appropriations, and leadership. How do you throw a grand national party when the country seems unable to agree on first principles or basic facts? Should 2026 be a rah-rah festival or a sober history lesson? What should the non-MAGA component of the American populace—that is, at least half of it— bring to such a patriotic occasion? Should it bring anything at all?

[Tom Nichols: Reclaiming real American patriotism]

Former U.S. Treasurer Rosie Rios, now the head of America250, still believes that the country can pull off something meaningful. The child of a Mexican-born single mother, she recalls the 1976 bicentennial as a moment when she began to feel “pride in what it means to be American.” She wants 2026 to offer the same sort of experience, tailored to a new generation.

And perhaps it will. As Rios pointed out when we spoke, 1976 was itself hardly a moment of political harmony; the Vietnam War and Watergate had just crashed to a close, right on the heels of the turbulent 1960s. Nor, for that matter, was American society especially peaceable at the time of the sesquicentennial, in 1926, when the Ku Klux Klan was regularly parading through Washington, D.C.; or at the time of the centennial, in 1876, when the country was fighting over the future of Reconstruction; or at the time of the semicentennial, in 1826, when a controversial populist leader, Andrew Jackson, had just lost a close election and vowed to return for a second go-round.

What seems different about the present moment is that the very idea of trying to tell some sort of national story—much less one with patriotic overtones—has itself been called into question. That’s especially true among the people who purport to care most deeply about an honest reckoning with the American past. For generations, liberals leaned into a story of gradual, if uneven, progress toward unfulfilled ideals. But even they no longer believe that the narrative of progress holds the power it once did.

There is, of course, no national narrative that will magically unite America; true national consensus has never existed and won’t suddenly materialize now. But during past celebrations—50, 100, 150 years ago—the people excluded from America’s mythic narrative managed to leverage the nation’s symbols and rhetoric and put alternative stories before the public. They believed that the Declaration of Independence and the flag could be useful and inspirational.

At stake in 2026 is whether a divided country can find common symbols worth embracing. But also at stake is whether those who take a critical view of America’s past will step up proudly and say not only what they stand against, but what they stand for in the American story.

There was once a standard template for how to celebrate a centennial: Declare greatness and throw a big party, preferably in Philadelphia. Over the past two centuries, this model has yielded its fair share of jingoism, along with fireworks and flags and cannon blasts. But it has also provided an opportunity for reexamining American history and for raising questions about the country’s future.

The first attempt at a national party in Philadelphia, during the “jubilee” year of 1826, did not quite come off. As one local newspaper noted, “The apathy of the citizens” seemed to be the defining feature of that particular July 4. The anniversary nonetheless occasioned at least a bit of national self-reflection. In early 1824, anticipating the semicentennial, President James Monroe invited the Marquis de Lafayette, the teenage French hero of the American Revolution, to return to the U.S. and take a look at what he had wrought. With much hoopla, Lafayette visited every state as well as the nation’s capital. But he also expressed horror at certain aspects of American life, especially the South’s ongoing embrace of slavery. During a visit to the Virginia plantation of former President James Madison, Lafayette pointedly reminded him of “the right that all men, without exception, have to liberty.”

Fifty years later, on the other side of the devastating Civil War, Philadelphia tried again. This time, it succeeded. With an eye to the world’s fairs then popular in Europe, the city was determined to put on “the greatest international exposition that the world had ever witnessed,” as the historian Thomas H. Keels writes—albeit an exposition with a distinctly American stamp. The nation was engaged in a fierce debate over race, political partisanship, women’s rights, and the growing concentration of capital. All the more reason, organizers thought, to try to get everyone together to celebrate what there was to like about America.

They started planning a festival for 1876 that was ultimately attended by some 20 percent of the American population. Upon arriving in Philadelphia, those millions of visitors found an entire mini-city constructed to house and display the marvels of the modern world. At the Main Building, ticket-holders encountered their first telephone, courtesy of the rising young inventor Alexander Graham Bell. Thomas Edison sent his latest inventions too. France contributed the upraised right arm and torch of a proposed Statue of Liberty; visitors could ascend stairs to the top for just a dime. The sheer number of gigantic expo buildings—249 in all—testified to the organizers’ outsize ambitions.

This frenzy of activity and investment sent an unmistakable message: Despite the Civil War, America was full of energy and on the rise. But the scale of the spectacle masked important absences. Although 26 states built their own pavilions, most southern states opted out. Black citizens were banned from the expo altogether. When Frederick Douglass, an invited guest, tried to take his seat on the dais at the opening ceremony, guards blocked him until a U.S. senator intervened. The grim politics of 1876 would soon result in a violent and contested presidential election, and with it the end of Reconstruction in the South.

If the expo did little to renew American commitments to equality, it did provide an occasion for certain excluded groups to restate their claims to full American citizenship, using the Declaration as inspiration. On July 4, Susan B. Anthony showed up uninvited at the Independence Hall ceremonies, flanked by fellow suffragists, to read the Declaration of the Rights of Women. In Washington, a group of Black men produced their own Negro Declaration of Independence.

By 1926, the political terrain looked different. White women could finally vote; most Black men and women in the South could not. The U.S. had been through another war, this time in Europe, and had come out of it disillusioned. At home, during the war, the country had jailed thousands of dissenters. The Ku Klux Klan had built a powerful constituency, especially within the Democratic Party. And the country had slammed its doors shut to most immigrants.

The organizers of the sesquicentennial celebration nonetheless doubled down on the model of a big party in Philadelphia. An estimated 6 million people showed up—not as many as the organizers had hoped for, but still a substantial number. The marvels on display were thoroughly of their moment: on the lowbrow end, Jell-O and Maxwell House coffee; on the high, Kandinsky and Matisse.

The exposition was billed as a “Festival of Peace and Progress,” but like its predecessors, it could not help but reflect the political tensions of its time. When the KKK put in a bid for a special Klan day at the fair, the mayor of Philadelphia said yes before saying no. The fair itself was largely segregated, though Philadelphia’s Black community mobilized to ensure at least modest access and participation. Under pressure, the festival added the future civil-rights icon A. Philip Randolph as a last-minute speaker to represent the Black community and share the platform with government officials at the opening ceremony. Randolph delivered a searing account of how the nation had betrayed its promise of equality for Black citizens.

Philadelphia tried to give it one more go 50 years later—for the bicentennial, in 1976. As the big birthday approached, though, many observers started to question whether the standard model really made sense anymore. “Is a World’s Fair-type Bicentennial festival appropriate for a country wracked with social, racial, and environmental agonies?” the writer Ada Louise Huxtable asked in The New York Times. By 1976, President Richard Nixon’s resignation and the mounting traumas of the 1970s had helped to yield a scaled-back, privatized, and decentralized celebration. There were some old-fashioned touches, such as the American Freedom Train, which conveyed the nation’s founding documents and historical treasures from city to city, and the cheery tall ships that sailed between ports. But corporate promotion rather than civic purpose carried the day. Branded products included a 1776-themed tampon disposal bag marketed with the slogan “200 Years of Freedom.”

Critics pushed back against what they described as the “Buycentennial.” Some of the most theatrical resistance came from an ad hoc group called the People’s Bicentennial Commission, organized by the New Left activist (and future social theorist) Jeremy Rifkin. The group held rallies at sites such as Lexington and Concord, all the while claiming to be acting in the true spirit of ’76. Rifkin thought it crucial that the American left engage with rather than reject the narratives and symbols of the nation’s founding. Other groups, including the Afro-American Bicentennial Corporation, sought to ensure that at least some programming would reflect the Black experience. They advocated for a more diverse and inclusive account of the nation’s history—not one American story, but many.

At least some of that vision began to be realized in the years during and after the bicentennial. What 1976 may have lacked in spectacle, it ultimately made up for with quiet investment in the infrastructure of public history, much of it attuned to bringing overdue attention to marginalized groups. According to a study by the American Association of State and Local History, some 40 percent of all historical institutions in existence by 1984—museums, living-history sites, local preservation societies, and the like—were created during the bicentennial era.

In the summer of 2016, while most of the country was transfixed by the presidential race pitting Hillary Clinton against Donald Trump, Congress established the United States Semiquincentennial Commission, made up of private citizens, members of Congress, and federal officials. The commission was given the job of overseeing a national 2026 initiative.

Its leaders took their time getting started, and Trump’s White House offered little guidance beyond the implicit admonishment to make American history great again. In Philadelphia, a group of local boosters took matters into their own hands. They called themselves USA250, a name barely distinguishable from that of the federal commission, and set out to make the case for a “blockbuster festival.”

USA250 had no shortage of ambitious, expensive ideas. Beginning in 2025, according to one scheme, roving caravans would crisscross the country, showcasing the best of American history, art, food, and music. In 2026, the caravans would converge on Philadelphia. The budget that the organizers imagined was a symbolic $20.26 billion. However, there were no longer many takers for this kind of effort, even in Philadelphia. The arrival of COVID in early 2020—and the fear of super-spreader events it engendered—dealt another blow to the prospect of a big in-person bash.

As for the federal commission, it swiftly descended into a morass of charges and countercharges over process, favoritism, hiring, gender discrimination, and budget decisions. In June 2022, Meta pulled out of a $10 million sponsorship deal, reportedly owing to the commission’s “leadership dysfunction.” Around the same time, several female executives quit the commission and filed suit. They described a Gilded Age level of “cronyism, self-dealing, mismanagement of funds, potentially unlawful contracting practices and wasteful spending”—not to mention sex discrimination and a toxic work environment. In the midst of the meltdown, the Biden White House stepped in to appoint Rosie Rios as the new commission chair. By then, the clock was down to less than four years.

One of the federal commission’s signature initiatives, America’s Stories, is radically decentralized—less a top-down master plan than a national Instagram feed. Its website encourages Americans to send in personal reflections about the country’s past, present, and future in the form of songs, poems, personal essays, photographs, audio recordings, and videos. The stated goal is to create “the most inclusive commemoration in our history,” one in which “no story is too small” to matter. Rios views the emphasis on social media, as well as on diversity of experience, as a way to attract constituencies that might otherwise look elsewhere—notably young people, who often seem to think that the past has little to offer.

R. Scott Stephenson, the CEO of Philadelphia’s Museum of the American Revolution, describes the federal strategy as a “StoryCorps model” of historic commemoration. He worries that such a decentralized approach won’t rise to the moment. “If it’s just about everybody telling their story,” he asks, what’s to bring everybody together? His concerns are echoed by many in the public-history sphere. At the moment, though, almost nobody sees any prospect for a single big in-person celebration reminiscent of the extravaganzas of the past.

Nobody, that is, except for Donald Trump. Alone among major political figures, Trump has seized the early momentum to offer a grand, centralized semiquincentennial vision. In May 2023, he released a campaign video introducing the idea of a Salute to America 250, the “most spectacular birthday party” the country has ever known. Though billed as a serious celebration of the world’s oldest democracy, the plan contains no shortage of reality-TV touches. One proposal is a Patriot Games, in which high-school athletes would be pitted against one another in interstate Olympics-style competition. Another is the National Garden of American Heroes, a long-standing pet project in which Trump hopes to select “the greatest Americans of all time” to be honored in a Washington statuary park. The centerpiece of the celebration would be the Great American State Fair, an 1876 expo-style gathering to be held in Iowa. “It’ll be something!” he promised.

The video’s release produced plenty of critical commentary from MAGA skeptics. But, to paraphrase Trump, the Great American State Fair would at least be something: a focused, national, in-person commemoration with a clear message about where the country has been and where it is going. Whatever its other virtues may be, the individualized, localized, “invitation” approach evades any such nation-defining mission.

The problem is, many Americans don’t know what they’d be celebrating. On the left, rejecting traditional patriotism has become de rigueur: by kneeling for the national anthem, dismissing the Founders as enslavers, and expressing unease at the prospect of flying an American flag. Seeing left or liberal activists deploying the images and ideas of the revolution for their own purposes is far less common than it used to be. One consequence may be that many people who care about a critical, nuanced view of the American past will simply opt out of 2026. If that happens, who will be left in charge of defining what founding-era ideals such as “independence,” “revolution,” “We the People,” and “the general Welfare” are supposed to mean in the 21st century?

The task of identifying a usable past is of course much easier for Trump and his MAGA coalition than for those who seek a true reckoning with the country’s history of injustice. Trump has a clear view and a simple message: that only certain people count, that the past was better than the present, and that U.S. history was a tale of triumph until roughly the 1960s.

Trump’s views are embodied in the work of a group called the 1776 Commission, appointed near the end of his presidency. Its creation (and name) was partly a reaction to The New York Times Magazine’s 1619 Project, with its emphasis on slavery and the Black experience. It was also a bid to put the Trump stamp on the founding legacy. “As we approach the 250th anniversary of our independence, we must resolve to teach future generations of Americans an accurate history of our country so that we all learn and cherish our founding principles once again,” the commission’s report stated—at the same time promoting its own exclusionary and distorted vision of the past, one in which the Founders would obviously have opposed progressive social policy, affirmative action, and all forms of identity politics.

Professional historians have scorned The 1776 Report as right-wing propaganda rather than anything resembling actual history. But scholars have often hesitated to offer an alternative national narrative in its place. By and large, they do not view themselves as being in the business of nationalism or patriotism; their mission is mostly to tell the truth as they see it. Within academia, the nation-state is itself often seen as a suspect form of social organization and power with a dubious track record.

But in this moment of democratic crisis—and democratic possibility—there is something dissatisfying about sidestepping the challenge of 2026, with its implicit call to create a usable but thoughtful national narrative. During Trump’s term in office, the historian Jill Lepore chastised fellow academics for abandoning the project of a national story just when it was needed most. “Writing national history creates plenty of problems,” she argued. “But not writing national history creates more problems, and those problems are worse.”

Coming up with an honest but coherent vision for 2026 is a genuine challenge. For the past 60 years, much of American historical scholarship has been about exposing a darker story behind self-congratulatory myths. As a believer in that effort, I have long shared the left’s ambivalence about patriotic symbols: the flag, the Founders, the national anthem, the Fourth of July. Today, though, I feel an urgency to reclaim and redefine all these things, lest they be ceded to those darker forces historians like to write about.

[David Waldstreicher: The Fourth of July has always been political]

The fact is, Americans have a pretty good origin story, as such things go: centrally, a revolution on behalf of human equality, despite all of its flaws and blind spots and limits. “On the subject of equality,” the political theorist Danielle Allen has argued, “no more important sentence has ever been written” than Jefferson’s assertion that “all men are created equal.” For its moment—and even for ours—it was a bold and revolutionary statement.

Movements for equality, racial justice, and human rights have long taken advantage of that legacy. The abolitionists of the 1830s invented the Liberty Bell as a symbol of human freedom, seeing in its inscription to “proclaim liberty throughout all the land” a useful link to both the past and the future. The labor radicals of the late 19th century claimed Jefferson and Thomas Paine along with Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Finding a stake in the American story has always been more difficult for those deliberately excluded from the Declaration’s vision: women and sexual minorities, Black communities, Indigenous nations. In 1852, Frederick Douglass delivered his famous address asking “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?” His answer was that it marked a day of mourning, not celebration. Still, Douglass seized the moment to pressure white citizens to live up to their “saving principles,” noting that the Founding Fathers understood that “there is always a remedy for oppression,” even if they did not follow that insight to its logical conclusion.

What we are witnessing now, with respect to America’s 250th, is thus a strange turn of events. To varying degrees, abolitionists, suffragists, labor leaders, and civil-rights activists were willing and able to harness America’s mythic rhetoric and stated principles to advance their causes. They embraced and invented cherished national symbols. And yet today, many who profess to believe in human equality and social justice seem to have little use for the American origin story and its most venerable words and figures.

Why not reclaim them? The American revolution was, after all, a revolution—not in every respect the one you or I might have wanted, but an enormous stride toward equality. And revolution itself is an inherently malleable concept, made to be renewed and redefined with each generation. One need not wear a tricorne hat or fly the stars and stripes in order to celebrate the unlikely moment when a group of private citizens organized, dreamed big, and defeated the world’s most powerful empire.

Though, now that I think of it, why not wear the hat and fly the flag? Despite today’s political optics, neither one actually belongs to the devotees of MAGA rallies. Perhaps those on the left can at least seize the moment to open up the conversation over what, if anything, really makes America great—and to teach some actual history. If they don’t, the meaning of 2026—and of American patriotism—will be decided for them.


Read full article on: theatlantic.com
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Silverman, now a principal investigator at the UC Davis Medical Investigation of Neurodevelopmental Disorders (MIND) Institute, still gets compliments on these mice — even though many of her original findings couldn’t be reproduced in future experiments. “They’ll say all this amazing stuff praising it,” she said. “And I’m like, that is the biggest mistake this field has ever made.” Billions of dollars have been poured into autism research over the last decade, funding a staggering number of experiments — including over 1,500 studies in the US in 2020 alone. Many of these studies use animal models, especially mice.  Whether or not you believe that animal testing is ethical (many don’t), scientists in numerous research fields — especially neuroscience, genetics, and other areas of biology — run experiments on animals. To understand how cells in the brain communicate to form thoughts and guide behavior, you need a living brain connected to a living body. Millions of rodents are used — and nearly all killed — for science experiments every year, many of which are preclinical tests of new drugs and other treatments with potential public health benefits, including for autism.  And yet, all attempts to make drugs that help people manage some of the more challenging effects of autism, like sensory sensitivity or self-harm, have failed. When I asked senior scientist Brigitta Gundersen, who manages Simons Foundation Autism Research Initiative (SFARI) funding for autism studies involving rodents, for an example of a tangible quality of life improvement that this line of research has given us, she paused. “I struggle to think of examples across all of psychiatry, frankly.” “There’s this overall idea that understanding biology and understanding mechanisms will lead to better interventions,” she said. “But that hasn’t totally panned out.” In theory, figuring out how autism manifests in the brain and body should help scientists develop better treatments for some of its more debilitating symptoms, like seizures, mobility challenges, and self-harm. Given how much we still have to learn about how the brain works, autistic or otherwise, this kind of research is “a really long game,” Gundersen said.  Mouse models of autism-related gene mutations may help uncover the underlying biology of autism in the long run. But autistic people understandably want tangible support now, and research serving that need is hugely underfunded. “It barely matters to us what a mouse model says,” said Sam Crane, an advocate for people with disabilities and a public member of the federal Interagency Autism Coordinating Committee (IACC), a group that helps policymakers decide what types of autism research to pay for.  Others, including the parents of autistic children with very high support needs, fear that deprioritizing biological research will leave their loved ones behind, turning attention away from developing potentially lifesaving treatments. Massive funding agencies like the US National Institutes of Health (NIH) are also wary of those trying to shift autism research away from genetics and neuroscience, arguing that scientific breakthroughs often come from long-term studies of fundamental biology — even when those studies don’t seem to offer real-world benefits in the short term.  Looking at the numbers, though, research exploring how to help autistic people navigate everyday life — the research many autistic people say they’d like to see — is still only getting about a quarter of the money allocated for autism research in the US. At a moment when autism diagnoses are on the rise — for reasons scientists still don’t fully understand — why are we spending so much on mice that might help humans eventually, and so little on services that could help humans now?  The history of autism research, briefly explained Autism spectrum disorder (ASD), as defined by the fifth edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5), is usually characterized by communication challenges, trouble navigating social interactions, and a high sensitivity to change.  It’s also defined by how different the roughly 5.4 million people diagnosed with autism in the US are from each other. The wide umbrella of ASD includes people who live independently, have fulfilling careers and relationships, and can advocate for their own needs. It also includes people who don’t speak much (or at all), use a wheelchair, and may require full-time support from a caregiver for the entirety of their lives. Biologically speaking, autism — like the brain in general — is still poorly understood. In the 1950s and 1960s, medical professionals embraced the now-discredited “refrigerator mother” theory linking autism to cold, distant parenting, blaming mothers for their children’s condition. Later, psychologist Bernie Rimland presented evidence that autism is rooted in biology. Then, former physician Andrew Wakefield published a paper in 1998 incorrectly linking the measles, mumps, and rubella (MMR) vaccine to autism, fueling the modern anti-vaccination movement.  Today, most researchers believe that autism is strongly influenced by genetics. However, when symptoms can include everything from difficulty reading social cues to seizures to constipation, it’s hard to figure out what genes might be causing what — after all, over several decades of work, scientists have compiled a list of 100 or so genes that might be linked to autism.  To leaders at private funding agencies like SFARI, Autism Speaks, and the Autism Science Foundation (ASF), that complexity is precisely why we need basic research to explore the underlying biology and genetics of autism. The ultimate goal of these funders, several of whom have autistic children, is to find treatments for autism. Historically, some of these institutions even wanted to find “cures.” But digging into the genetics of autism in the early aughts raised more questions than answers, forcing researchers to reconsider what autism even is. Meanwhile, in the absence of meaningful medical progress, some desperate parents turned to extreme DIY “cures” like making their autistic kids drink bleach. “Despite the fact that they’re pointing in diametrically opposed directions, there’s a common theme with the refrigerator mother approach and the anti-vaccine approach,” said Ari Ne’eman, assistant professor at the Harvard School of Public Health and co-founder of the Autistic Self Advocacy Network (ASAN). “Namely, they both really emphasize the idea of causation as central to the business of autism advocacy.” Framing autism as a disease that “happens” to otherwise-healthy children as a consequence of their parenting, genetics, or environment makes it feel like something that science can fix, or even prevent in the first place. For many diseases — think deadly cancers — this wouldn’t be controversial.  But many autistic adults believe the “causation” framing is hugely misguided. Efforts to pinpoint genetic markers of autism have raised serious concerns about eugenics — namely, that if parents could get a prenatal test for autism, many of them would choose not to have those children.  Prenatal tests for many diseases, like cystic fibrosis and sickle cell disease, already exist, and the fears of autism advocates are not unfounded. In Iceland, for example, nearly 100 percent of parents who get prenatal tests for Down syndrome — a chromosomal condition affecting as many as 6 million people worldwide, many of whom live long, healthy, fulfilling lives — choose to abort their pregnancy if the results are positive, causing the population of Down syndrome children to almost completely disappear there. Even in the US, where abortion is politically fraught, over two-thirds of parents choose not to give birth after finding out their child will have Down syndrome. Should it also be acceptable for parents to abort a pregnancy if they learn that their child will be autistic? “Autism research was really built with the assumption that the goal is a world without autism,” Ne’eman said. But a growing number of people embrace the neurodiversity movement, proposing that autism is simply another way to move through the world. To them, the condition is not something to cure with medication or prevent with prenatal testing. This shift has led to significant controversy in the world of autism research. Autism Speaks came under fire in the mid-2010s for portraying autism as a devastating disease that ought to be stamped out, before denouncing that rhetoric in 2016. For now, an effective prenatal test is not widely available — while autism does seem to be strongly influenced by genetics, there isn’t a single gene that flags autism. Prenatal tests and emerging gene-editing tools like CRISPR seem to work best for conditions caused by a single genetic mutation, like sickle cell disease.  However, scientists have listed about 100 genes that all seem related to someone’s likelihood of being diagnosed with autism, making a target for potential screenings, drugs, or other therapies much harder to pin down. Mutations in any one gene don’t necessarily mean that a person will be autistic, or shape what autism will look like for them. While some single-gene mutations cause specific neurodevelopmental disorders that fall under the umbrella of autism spectrum disorder, like fragile X syndrome, they are relatively rare. All considered, autism isn’t currently something that can be addressed by traditional drug development pipelines. Yet, funding for projects studying the biology of autism more than quadrupled since 2008, while funding for projects finding better ways to help autistic people in day-to-day life fell or remained stagnant. Under the Combating Autism Act, which George W. Bush signed into law in 2006, Congress established the Interagency Autism Coordinating Committee. As the name suggests, the Combating Autism Act was focused on finding treatments to prevent or “cure” autism.  At the time, the vast majority of IACC members were not autistic — and their funding priorities were oriented accordingly. Their first set of recommendations, published in 2009, heavily skewed toward funding the search for causes and cures of autism. For example, they proposed spending $75 million on developing animal models of autism — nearly 50 times more than they suggested spending on studying everyday support services for autistic people. Can biologists breed autistic mice? (Not really.) In the world of biomedical research, where there are genetic risk factors, there are genetically altered mouse models. But by continuing to fall back on the rodents that they are so accustomed to studying, researchers are holding themselves back from fully understanding how autism manifests in humans.  Mice are small, reproduce quickly, and share about 85 percent of their functional genes with humans, making them desirable to geneticists hoping to study diseases outside of the human body. While non-animal models are slowly replacing animal testing in many areas of science, “you need a live animal to study a disorder that’s solely behavioral,” Silverman said. “Cells don’t behave.” Mice behave, but their behavior is very different from ours. So, neuroscientists have had to stretch to draw parallels between the behavior of mice and autistic humans. If a mouse buries marbles with unusual fervor or over-grooms themselves, a study may qualify it as “repetitive behavior.” If a mouse prefers being alone to hanging out with a stranger mouse in its cage, it’s displaying “social deficits.” Studies have even measured changes in ultrasonic vocalizations in mice to try to understand speech problems in autistic humans, and recorded electrical activity from the brains of dogs with autism-related gene mutations to see whether LSD could improve their social interactions. Animal behavior is finicky, though — especially when those animals are living in tiny laboratory cages, far from their natural habitat. The same mouse in the same marble-burying setup, for example, may bury fewer marbles than usual one day because it got distracted by the smell of whatever shampoo the experimenter used that morning.  Human error can play a role, too. An exhausted grad student may miscount the number of times two mice bump noses. Researchers in different labs may not even agree what that nose-bumping behavior means, or how to classify it in their papers. It “just lends itself to a lack of reproducibility,” Gundersen said.  It also makes preclinical trials for new treatments, which are often conducted in animals, challenging to translate to humans. Many symptoms, especially those related to social interactions and communication, are distinctly human — so much so that they’re nearly impossible to reproduce in mice. “You know,” Gundersen said, “no mice talk.” Today, more scientists are rejecting the idea that mice can actually exhibit autistic-like behaviors. “Nobody thinks that mice are people,” Gundersen told me. “Nobody thinks that mice are modeling autism.” But the number of publications featuring “mouse model(s) of autism” in the title has steadily increased since they were first introduced in the mid-2000s. A cynic might wonder why scientists are continuing to pursue this line of research, when both autistic self-advocates and a growing number of leaders in biomedicine are saying that it doesn’t make any sense. Ne’eman said that some people in the autistic community jokingly refer to autism research as a “geneticist’s Full Employment Act” — a parallel to the proposed Autism Full Employment Act, which would create incentives for workplaces to hire autistic people. The grant application system is really competitive. To boost their chances of getting research funding, applicants increasingly have to twist their research proposals to align with whoever will give them money. A lab interested in studying how gene expression guides brain cells to form connections with each other, for example, could pitch it as an autism study to open up additional funding opportunities. So, Ne’eman suspects that some scientists are “looking at the autism research agenda as exclusively or primarily a vehicle for a relatively small number of abstract questions of basic science,” which aims to expand knowledge without necessarily translating to new drugs or other practical applications. Just look at the mice: it’s been clear for years that they’re a bad proxy for autistic people, but many biomedical researchers have built their careers around using them. Moving away from dysfunctional models requires time, money, and critically evaluating old, imperfect findings — something scientists aren’t really incentivized to do.  People like Alycia Halladay, chief science officer at the Autism Science Foundation, worry that self-advocates like Ne’eman are too dismissive of basic science. But it isn’t that autistic people don’t value science. Rather, many of them think the somewhat futile search for a “cure” to autism shouldn’t receive as much funding as it does, relative to other areas of research. A more promising path for biomedical researchers could be studying rare neurodevelopmental disorders, like Angelman syndrome and Rett syndrome, caused by mutations in a single gene that exists in both mice and humans. People with disorders like these often have symptoms experienced by others with autism, like seizures, gastrointestinal issues, and insomnia — which are more easily quantifiable in mice than, say, language. Silverman moved her lab in this direction entirely, after losing faith in models of other “autism-like behaviors.” She hopes that a clearer understanding of these specific genetic mutations will lay the foundation for things like better epilepsy medications down the line — not only for those with Angelman syndrome, but for anyone who experiences seizures alongside autism. I asked Halladay what research she wanted to see, as the mother of an autistic daughter. She agreed that more investigations of conditions related to autism, like sensory sensitivity, would be incredibly helpful to families like her own. Halladay, like many other parents, doesn’t want her daughter’s autism to go away; she just wants more support — and possibly medicine — to help her child live the best life possible. Autism research is torn between different visions In general, Ne’eman thinks that “the average autistic person, as well as the average family member, doesn’t wake up in the morning thinking, ‘Have they found a better mouse model?’” They do think about whether they’ll be able to find a full-time caretaker who is covered by insurance, or what the newest adaptive communication devices will be capable of. When autistic self-advocates were largely excluded from the decision-making process, funding for things that would help them immediately, like communication assistance or housing support, fell by the wayside.  That’s since changed — today, the IACC includes 23 non-autistic government employees and 22 public members, seven of whom are autistic themselves. Their budget priorities have shifted accordingly, centering research questions like “What services and supports are needed to maximize health and well-being?” in addition to basic biology studies. At the same time, the gap between the committee’s proposed budget and how much funders actually spend has also grown. And while funding for services and support doubled between 2019 and 2020, it still only accounted for 8.4 percent of the money spent that year.  One big thing standing in the way of the IACC’s recommendations and reality: the biggest sources of science funding, public and private, weren’t really built to fund things other than biology research. Of the 28 organizations listed as funding autism-related projects between 2019 and 2020, the National Institutes of Health and SFARI — which only award grants for basic science and clinical research — together paid for over 80 percent of research.  Agencies like the Department of Education and the Administration for Community Living pay for projects studying interventions like how to help autistic adults avoid institutionalization and live as independently as possible — major priorities for autistic self-advocates. However, they only fund a tiny portion of autism research. Solving this problem will likely require a major redistribution of funding, or a big overall increase in the pool of money available to everyone. “I’m not sure that you can totally fix it by just yelling at the NIH,” Crane said. In fact, she suspects that the Office of National Autism Coordination, housed within the NIH, knows that they’re supposed to be funding more studies about how to support autistic people — they’re just not receiving grant applications for them. The NIH did not respond to Vox’s requests for comment by the time of publication. One solution the IACC recommended involves growing the overall pool of money set aside for autism research to $685 million by next year. They specifically highlighted three research areas that need the most additional resources: lifespan issues, evidence-based interventions and services, and the development of culturally responsive services. By “lifespan issues,” the IACC means anything related to big life transitions: access to higher education and employment, opportunities to live as independently as possible alongside non-autistic community members, and health care. Figuring out how to help autistic adults — including those with the most severe disabilities — find fulfilling jobs that they’re good at, stay out of harmful psychiatric institutions, and form healthy relationships doesn’t require mouse models. It requires piloting initiatives like new housing programs, building better assistive communication devices, and other community-oriented research. Studying existing interventions to make sure they’re helping autistic people — not just making them appear non-autistic in public — is also crucial, Crane said. For example, applied behavioral analysis (ABA) therapy, which rewards “goal behaviors” like making eye contact or saying hello to people, is controversial in the autistic community because it can be experienced as abusive and coercive. Most existing studies on the effectiveness of ABA measured things like whether recipients behaved better in the classroom, rather than long-term outcomes like overall academic achievement or quality of life. With more money, Crane hopes this can change. “We need to be funding research that actually tracks the outcomes that matter to people.” The bottom line is that we don’t need more mouse models of autism or of autism-like behaviors. Biomedical science has a role to play, especially in helping people manage symptoms of other autism-related health issues like epilepsy and sleep disorders — but it has claimed a disproportionately large chunk of autism research funding for too long.  Some people, especially the parents of children with intellectual and physical disabilities related to autism, argue that autistic self-advocates who push back against the biomedical research agenda are acting out of self-interest, leaving those with the most severe disabilities behind. People with different experiences of autism, Autism Science Foundation president Alison Singer argues, need different things. Specifically, she believes that people with the most severe disabilities need the kinds of pharmaceutical interventions that biomedical research aims to find — and that many autistic self-advocates want to deprioritize. Ne’eman believes the opposite is true. “Those with the most severe impairments are especially poorly served by research that does not relate back to their needs,” he said. In its statement on genetic research, the Autistic Self-Advocacy Network emphasizes, “Autistic people with the highest support needs are some of the most vulnerable members of our community. They deserve good lives with the right to make their own decisions, not yet another round of ‘cures’ that will not work.” Neuroscience still has a lot to offer the autism community, but neuroscientists need to listen to the people they’re claiming to serve. Ditching outdated behavioral tests on mouse models of “autism-like behavior” might be a great place to start.
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vox.com
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