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At Columbia University, administrators and pro-Palestinian students occupying the main quad on campus are in a standoff. President Minouche Shafik has satisfied neither those clamoring for order nor those who want untrammeled protests. Yet a different leader may not have performed any better. The tensions here between free-speech values and antidiscrimination law are unusually complex and difficult, if not impossible, to resolve.Shafik presides over a lavishly funded center of research, teaching, civic acculturation, and student activism. Such institutions cannot thrive without strong free-speech cultures. Neither can they thrive without limits on when and where protests are permitted—especially when protesters disrupt the institution as a tactic to get what they want. As Shafik told Congress in recent testimony, “Trying to reconcile the free-speech rights of those who want to protest and the rights of Jewish students to be in an environment free of harassment or discrimination has been the central challenge on our campus, and many others, in recent months.”That is a formidable challenge. The best protest rules are viewpoint-neutral: They constrain equally, rather than coercively disadvantaging one side in a controversy. How strictly should they be enforced? Whatever the answer, it must apply equally to all students. Yet consistent support for viewpoint neutrality is rare inside and outside academia, especially on an issue as fraught as Israel-Palestine, which has divided Columbia’s faculty and students for decades.All of that context informed a flash point that occurred at Columbia last week: As Palestine-aligned protesters occupied the quad, where many activists covered their face to obscure their identity, Shafik declared, “I have determined that the encampment and related disruptions pose a clear and present danger to the substantial functioning of the University.” After repeatedly warning students to leave and suspending them when they refused, she called the NYPD to remove them from campus, citing vague safety concerns.[George Packer: The campus-left occupation that broke higher education]Yet soon after, student activists reappeared on the quad. More activists gathered outside the school’s gates. Observers speculated about whether calling the cops unwittingly escalated the situation. Faculty critics who say Shafik went too far in contacting police held a walkout to show dissent. Some want to censure her for “violation of the fundamental requirements of academic freedom and shared governance, and her unprecedented assault on students’ rights.” Equally vocal critics believe that by not calling police back to campus, she failed to protect Jewish students and let Palestine-aligned activists break sound rules that must apply to everyone in order to be fair. Amid ongoing tumult, Columbia went “hybrid” for the rest of the semester. “Our preference,” Shafik said, “is that students who do not live on campus will not come to campus.”Columbia’s options are severely constrained because, for better or worse, it cannot merely start applying the viewpoint-neutral ethos that free-speech advocates prefer to these protests. Administrators must weigh the possibility that failing to more tightly regulate these protests could cause the school to be deemed in violation of antidiscrimination law because of their duration, their intensity, and their tenor, as well as pressure from state and federal officials concerned about anti-Semitism.In a social-media post referencing Columbia, Governor Kathy Hochul put it this way: “The First Amendment protects the right to protest but students also have a right to learn in an environment free from harassment or violence.” As if to underscore the challenge Columbia faces, Hochul misstates Columbia’s legal obligations. As a private university, it is not bound by the First Amendment.It is subject to Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, which states that no person shall, on grounds of race or national origin, “be excluded from participation in, be denied the benefits of, or be subjected to discrimination under” a program receiving federal funds. To comply, Columbia needn’t be free of harassment. But it must address behavior of sufficient severity or persistence that members of a protected class are denied equal access to education because of their identity. Per current federal guidance, “students who are or are perceived to be Jewish” are covered, and national origin groups are explicitly protected, so Israeli nationals are covered too.In most campus free-speech disputes that I encounter, the relevant facts are easily grasped in a couple of days, if not a couple of hours. For example, I am confident that the University of Southern California transgressed against viewpoint neutrality when it canceled the valedictorian speech of a Palestine-aligned student, Asna Tabassum. I thought, let her speak. (Protests followed her removal, and USC has now canceled its entire main commencement ceremony.) But at Columbia, I cannot say with confidence whether, in my own free-speech-friendly interpretation of Title VI, Shafik is doing enough or too little to adhere to it.An example helps clarify the uncertainty here.If every day protesters on Columbia’s quad were blocking the path of all Jewish students as they tried to walk to class, or shouting ethnic slurs at any student they perceived to be Jewish, Columbia would clearly have a legal obligation to intervene in those protests. Whereas if one time, one protester acting alone blocked the path of one Jewish student, or shouted a slur at a Jewish student, Title VI would not compel Columbia to intervene in ongoing protests. So in between those poles, what is required? The answer is up for debate. Shafik is required to meet a murky legal standard amid protests that she can observe only in part, where a single violent act or viral clip of one charged moment could instantly alter public and official perception about six months of events.Even insiders charged with analyzing the matter are unsure about Columbia’s legal obligations. In March, a task force convened to study anti-Semitism at the institution released the first in a series of reports, titled “Columbia University’s Rules on Demonstrations.” After studying what antidiscrimination law might require, the report stated, “We urge the University to provide more guidance on the meaning of ‘discriminatory harassment,’ including antisemitic harassment.” It speculated that “at some point, courts and the Department of Education are likely to offer additional guidance.” Until then, it urged that “the University’s legal team should provide more guidance”—but Columbia’s legal team doesn’t have the answer either. Bureaucrats at the Department of Education regularly take extreme liberties in interpreting what antidiscrimination law means, with some conclusions shifting dramatically under different presidents.In theory, Title VI could be construed in a matter that reinforces the need for viewpoint neutrality: Israel- and Palestine-aligned students would each get no more and no less latitude to protest than Columbia would extend to any other group, regardless of how urgent or pointless, enlightened or abhorrent their position. In practice, counterfactuals cannot guide administrators or regulators, and as the Duke professor Timur Kuran observed on social media, students on both sides of the issue plausibly feel discriminated against by their universities, because “identity politics has inevitably led to arbitrariness and inconsistencies in applying rules.”In fact, it may be the case that Columbia is both failing to provide its Jewish students with equal access to its educational experience and (as the Knight Foundation has argued) engaging in viewpoint discrimination against Palestine-aligned students.Those who believe Columbia is overpolicing the Israel-Hamas protests should rationally desire reforms to Title VI, so that more campus speech is deemed acceptable. In reality, most social-justice-oriented faculty and students are either highly selective about whose controversial viewpoints they want protected or loath to recognize the long-standing conflict between tolerance for free speech and antidiscrimination law. Vilifying Shafik without acknowledging the regulatory environment she confronts is much easier.On the ideological right, meanwhile, is sudden zeal for draconian Department of Education enforcement of antidiscrimination law. “This is what’s known as a Title VI violation,” Ilya Shapiro of the Manhattan Institute posted Monday on social media. “Send in the National Guard and otherwise put Columbia and its morally bankrupt leadership into federal receivership.”[Adam Serwer: The Republicans who want American carnage]That is terrible advice, but stakeholders seem to disagree radically about the overall tenor of protests to date. Have they violated the Civil Rights Act as they’ve actually unfolded? The American Association of University Professors doesn’t seem to think so. In a recent statement, it declared that “Shafik’s silencing of peaceful protesters and having them hauled off to jail does a grave disservice to Columbia’s reputation and will be a permanent stain on her presidential legacy.” In contrast, as protesters flooded back onto campus Sunday, Jake Tapper of CNN reported that an Orthodox rabbi at Columbia sent a WhatsApp message to almost 300 Jewish students urging them to leave campus and go home because the institution “cannot guarantee Jewish students’ safety in the face of extreme antisemitism and anarchy.”Calls for Shafik to resign have come from people on both sides of the conflict. On Wednesday, House Speaker Mike Johnson piled on. But under a new president all of the same challenges and constraints on resolving them would remain. Debate about Columbia would improve if it focused on the thorniest, most contested conflicts between protest rights and antidiscrimination law rather than imagining that a better leader could reconcile the most expansive versions of both projects.

A few months ago, my doctor uttered a phrase I’d long dreaded: Your blood sugar is too high. With my family history of diabetes, and occasional powerful cravings for chocolate, I knew this was coming and what it would mean: To satisfy my sweet fix, I’d have to turn to sugar substitutes. Ughhhh.Dupes such as aspartame, stevia, and sucralose (the main ingredient in Splenda) are sweet and have few or zero calories, so they typically don’t spike your blood sugar like the real thing. But while there are now more sugar alternatives than ever, many people find that they taste terrible. The aspartame in Diet Coke leaves the taste of pennies in my mouth. And in large amounts, substitutes are bad for you: Last year, the World Health Organization warned that artificial sweeteners could raise the risk of certain diseases, singling out aspartame as “possibly carcinogenic.”But last week, I sipped a can of Arnold Palmer with a brand-new sweetener that promised to be unlike all the rest. The drink’s strong lemon flavor was mellowed by a light, unremarkable sweetness that came from brazzein, a sugar substitute green-lighted by the FDA last month. Oobli, a California-based company that sells the lemonade-iced tea and manufactures brazzein (which occurs naturally in West Africa’s oubli fruit), has billed it as a “revolution in sweetness.” Yet like everything that came before it, brazzein is far from perfect: To help mask its off taste, the can had some real sugar in it too. For now, Eric Walters, a sweetener expert at Rosalind Franklin University, told me, brazzein is just “an alternative” to the many options that already exist. None has come even close to the real deal.The ideal sugar alternative is more than just sweet. It must also be safe, taste good, and replicate the distinct way sugar’s sweetness develops on the tongue. In addition to aspartame and other synthetic sugar alternatives that have existed for more than a century, the past two decades have brought “natural” ones that are plant-derived: sweeteners made with stevia or monk fruit, which the FDA first approved in 2008 and 2010, respectively, can now be readily found in beverages such as Truly hard seltzer and Fairlife protein shakes. Stevia and monk fruit have been used “for hundreds of years by the people who live in the regions where they grow, so I don’t have huge worries about their safety,” Walters told me.All of these sweeteners work in basically the same way. Chemically, molecules other than just sugar can bind to the tongue’s sweet receptors, signaling to the brain that something sweet has landed. But the brain can tell when that something is not sugar. So far, no sweetener has accomplished that trick; off flavors that sometimes linger always give away the ruse.The problem is that sugar alternatives are like celebrity impersonators: aesthetically similar, reasonably satisfying, but consistently disappointing. Take stevia and monk fruit: By weight, they’re intensely sweet relative to table sugar—monk fruit by a factor of up to 250 and stevia by a factor of up to 400. Because only a tiny amount is needed to impart a sweet taste, those sweeteners must be bulked up with another substance so they more closely resemble sugar granules. Manufacturers used to add carbohydrates such as corn starch—which are eventually broken down into sugars—but they now use erythritol, a calorie-free sugar alcohol, which “doesn’t count as sugar at all,” Walters said.The end products look and feel similar to sugar, but not without downsides. Erythritol has been linked to an increased risk of heart attack and stroke. And stevia and monk-fruit sweeteners come with an aftertaste that has been described as “bitter,” “unpleasant,” and “disastrous.” When Walters first helped produce stevia 35 years ago, “the taste quality was so awful that we thought no one would buy it,” he said. “But we underestimated how much people would put up with it because it was ‘natural.’”Brazzein is yet another natural option. Unlike other sugar substitutes, brazzein is a protein, but it is still intensely sweet and low in calories. It is so sweet—about 1,000 times sweeter than sugar—that some gorillas in the wild have learned not to waste their time eating it. That protein has become a health buzzword certainly won’t hurt Oubli’s sales, but its products won’t bolster any biceps: Its teas contain very little—about 1 percent—because brazzein’s sweetness is so potent.Last month, Oobli received a “no questions asked” letter from the FDA, which means that the agency isn’t concerned about the product’s safety. Oobli’s iced teas and chocolates are the first brazzein-sweetened products to be sold in the U.S., although the sweet protein was identified three decades ago. Thaumatin, another member of the sweet-protein family, has been in use since the 1970s, though mostly as a flavor enhancer. One reason it took brazzein so long to be marketable is that it occurs at such low levels in the oubli fruit that mass-producing it was inefficient. Instead of harvesting brazzein from fruit, Oubli grows the protein in yeast cells, which is more scalable and affordable, Jason Ryder, Oobli’s co-founder and chief technology officer, told me.One distinction between brazzein and other sweeteners is its chemical size. Compared with sugar, stevia, and monk fruit, brazzein molecules are relatively large because they are proteins, which means they aren’t metabolized in the same way, Ryder said. The effects of existing sweeteners on the body are still being investigated; although they are generally thought to not hike blood sugar or insulin, recent research suggests that they may in fact do so. That may never be a concern with brazzein, Grant DuBois, a sweetener expert and the chief science officer at Almendra, a stevia manufacturer, told me. The most compelling upside of brazzein may be that it tastes pretty good. My palate, which is extra sensitive to artificial sweeteners, wasn’t offended by the taste. Would drink again, I thought. But the glaring caveat with Oobli’s teas is that they do contain some actual sugar—just less than you’d expect from a regular drink. The sugar helps mitigate a less-than-ideal feature of brazzein’s sweetness, Ryder said.One of the enduring problems with brazzein and many other popular sugar alternatives is that their sweetness takes more time than usual to develop, then lingers longer than expected. Indeed, although I liked the Arnold Palmer as it went down, I felt a peculiar sensation afterward: a trace of sweetness at the back of my throat that intensified, and felt oddly cool, as I exhaled. It was not unpleasant, but it was also reminiscent of having accidentally swallowed minty gum. If Diet Coke were made with brazzein instead of aspartame, Walters explained, you’d taste caffeine’s bitterness and the tartness of phosphoric acid before any sweetness, and when all of those flavors dissipated, the sweetness would hang around. “It’s just not what you want your beverage to be,” he said.Balancing brazzein with a touch of sugar achieves the goal of reducing sugar intake. But most of the time, people who seek out products sweetened with sugar alternatives want “zero sugar,” DuBois said, “so that’s not really a great solution to the problem.” The perfect sweetener would wholly replace all of the sugar in a food, but brazzein probably won’t get there unless the peculiarities of its sweetness can be fully addressed. “If I knew how, I could probably make millions of dollars,” Walters said.The future of sugar substitutes may soon offer improvements rather than alternatives. Last year, DuBois and his colleagues at Almendra published a peer-reviewed paper describing a method to speed up slow-moving sweetness by adding a pinch of mineral salts to sweeteners, which helps them quickly travel through the thick mucus of the tongue, resulting in a vastly improved experience of sweetness. “It works with stevia, but also aspartame, sucralose, monk fruit—it works very well with everything we’ve tried,” Dubois said, noting that it would probably also work with brazzein. With the right technology, sweeteners, he said, can become “remarkably sugarlike.”Yet searching for the perfect sugar alternative is a fool’s errand. No matter how good they get, a single substance is unlikely to satisfy all tastes and expectations about health. As my colleague Amanda Mull wrote when aspartame was deemed carcinogenic over the summer, there’s always something. Much is left to be learned about the health effects of natural sweeteners, which may not be as natural as they seem; some stevia products, for example, are chemically modified to taste better, Walters told meMore than anything, sweeteners exist so that people can indulge in sweet treats without needing to worry about the consequences. They can address most of sugar’s problems—but they can’t do everything. “If you pick one sweetener and put it in everything, and drink and eat it all day long, that’s probably not a good thing for you,” Walters said. A sugar-free, flawlessly sweet chocolate may someday come to exist, but I’ll probably never be able to gorge on it without dreading my next blood test.

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Carolyn Fong/The Washington Post via Getty Images Harvard dishonesty researcher Francesca Gino faked her research. But she still has a lot to teach us. When it is alleged that a scientist has manipulated data behind their published papers, there’s an important but miserable project ahead: looking through the rest of their published work to see if any of that is fabricated as well. After dishonesty researcher Francesca Gino was placed on leave at Harvard Business School last fall following allegations that four of her papers contained manipulated data, the people who’d co-authored other papers with her scrambled to start double-checking their published works. Gino was a prolific researcher, and with 138 papers now called into question and more than 143 people who had co-authored with her, it proved a challenge to find who handled what data — so six co-authors began to work through each paper to systematically make public how the data was collected and who had custody of it. Their work was organized as the Many Co-Authors Project. The group was undeterred by Gino suing all of her accusers last summer, as well as by her condemnation of the project as unfair (“it inadvertently creates an opportunity for others to pin their own flawed studies or data anomalies on me,” she wrote). But their work provides a window into what kinds of manipulations and errors might make it past peer review until they come under heightened scrutiny — and raises in its own way a broader problem with our current research system. Based on the group’s work, it looks plausible that the data manipulation for which Gino is under fire is not contained to the four papers that have already been retracted. For example, in this 2019 paper, many participants were disqualified for not paying attention to the instructions — but the participants who were disqualified were overwhelmingly ones whose results were contrary to the hypothesis. (Likely because of the litigation surrounding the charges against Gino, the authors are careful not to say outright that what they’ve seen is a surefire sign of fraud.) But papers like the 2019 one — where the data is available — are the exception, not the rule. For most of the papers, no one has access to the data, which leaves no way to determine whether manipulation occurred. In some cases, co-authors are wary of participating in the effort to find other sketchy studies, worried that their name will be tarnished by association if they find a fraudulent paper. With systematic fraud, transparency is the only way through. Without a serious reckoning, the discovery of data manipulation doesn’t undo the harm it caused to our understanding of the world. Even after a paper is retracted, it doesn’t mean that other research that relied on those findings becomes amended. Instead, new studies are built atop flawed research. That’s a problem for scientific inquiry. We need to do something more systematic about fraud There’s something simultaneously heartwarming and exasperating about stories of researchers across the globe coming together to check whether their published research was actually faked. Why is basic information such as “which co-author collected the data?” and “who has access to the raw data?” not included as part of the process of publishing papers? Why is the data itself not available by default, which allows for finding mistakes as well as fraud? And after many researchers have been accused of systematic fraud, why is there still no process for systematically looking for problems in research? This is one of Gino’s complaints about the Many Co-Authors Project. “Like all scholars, I am interested in the truth. But auditing only my papers actively ignores a deeper reflection for the field,” she wrote. “Why is it that the focus of these efforts is solely on me?” The focus is on her for a good reason, but I do think that the Many Co-Authors Project is a symptom of a broken system. Even once a researcher is suspected of fraud, no institution is responsible for reviewing the work they’ve published and how it might affect the literature. Richard Van Noorden reported in Nature last year about what happens when a researcher is well-known to have fabricated data: “A more recent example is that of Yoshihiro Sato, a Japanese bone-health researcher. Sato, who died in 2016, fabricated data in dozens of trials of drugs or supplements that might prevent bone fracture. He has 113 retracted papers, according to a list compiled by the website Retraction Watch.” So what happened to other work that relied on Sato’s? For the most part, the retractions haven’t propagated; work that relied on Sato’s is still up: “His work has had a wide impact: researchers found that 27 of Sato’s retracted RCTs had been cited by 88 systematic reviews and clinical guidelines, some of which had informed Japan’s recommended treatments for osteoporosis. Some of the findings in about half of these reviews would have changed had Sato’s trials been excluded.” Journals do not consider themselves responsible for following up when they retract papers to see if other papers that cite those papers should be affected, or to check if other papers published by the same author have similar problems. Harvard doesn’t consider itself to have this responsibility. Co-authors may or may not consider themselves to have this responsibility. It’s as if we treat every case of fraud in isolation, instead of acknowledging that science builds on other science and that fraud rots those foundations. Some easy principles for reform I’ve written before that we should do a lot more about scientific fraud in general. But it seems like a particularly low bar to say that we should do more to, when a person is demonstrated to have manipulated data, check the rest of their work and get it retracted if needed. Even this low bar, though, is only being met due to the unpaid and unrewarded work of people who happened to notice the problem — and some of them have been sued for it. Here’s what could happen instead: Data about which co-author conducted the research and who has access to the raw data should be included as a matter of course as part of the paper submission process. This information is crucial to evaluating any problems with a paper, and it would be easy for journals to simply ask for it for every paper. Then you wouldn’t need a project like the Many Co-Authors Project — the data they’re attempting to collect would be available to everyone. Nonprofits, the government, or concerned citizens could fund an institution that followed up on evidence of data manipulation to make sure that manipulated results no longer poison the literature they’re a part of, especially in cases like medical research where peoples’ lives are at stake. And the law could protect people who do this essential research by making it faster to dismiss lawsuits over legitimate scientific criticism. Ginosued her critics, which is likely contributing to the slowness of reevaluations of her other work. But she was only able to do that because she lived in Massachusetts — in some states, so-called anti-SLAPP provisions help get quick dismissal of a lawsuit that suppresses protected speech. Part of the saga of Francesca Gino is that Massachusetts has a very weak anti-SLAPP law, and so all of the work to correct the scientific record takes place under the looming threat of such a lawsuit. In a state with better anti-SLAPP protections, she’d have to make the case for her research to her colleagues instead of silencing her critics. It is very much possible to do better when it comes to scientific fraud. The irony is that Gino’s research and the controversy surrounding it may well still end up having a long-lasting legacy in teaching us about dishonesty and how to combat it. A version of this story originally appeared in the Future Perfect newsletter. Sign up here!

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