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Waking up to the election results on Wednesday, many Americans who opposed Donald Trump may have felt inclined to resent their neighbors. How could more than 70 million of them vote for a convicted felon who had hobnobbed with a fascist, showed little respect for the country’s institutions or alliances, and couldn’t even promise not to rule as a dictator? Some foreign observers on social media seemed to react similarly, seeing in Trump the worst traits of American caricatures: egomania, narcissism, chauvinism, carelessness.But these prejudices were unfair on November 4, and they are still unfair on November 8. Yes, Trump is a true native son of this country, and some of its worst tendencies have allowed him to flourish. And yes, those who care about the future of the United States have every right to be worried about the trends he has unleashed or exploited—authoritarianism, misogyny, conspiracism.And yet: This country has always been a big, beautiful land of contradictions. As an Iranian Canadian socialist who moved here from Europe in 2017, I hear my share of anti-American chatter from left-leaning Middle Easterners, Canadians, and Europeans. Many seize on simple stories about America as a land of hyper-capitalism, violence, racism, and imperialism—and such stories are not in short supply. The United States remains the world’s only developed country not to have public health care. It is by far the world’s biggest military power. And expressions of racial animus can be loud, deadly, and persistent.[Jennifer Senior: Focus on the things that matter]But to reduce America to these clichés is to miss much that is extraordinary. This same country of megalomaniac capitalism is home to public libraries and research universities that are the envy of many European social democracies—institutions tended by millions of Americans deeply committed to their survival. Those who imagine America as a country of racists perhaps haven’t actually visited its small towns, where mosques, Hindu temples, and gurdwaras prosper next to churches and synagogues. In this supposedly immigrant-hating country, Trump banned entry to the residents of seven Muslim countries in 2017—only for thousands of Americans to show up at airports in protest. Thousands more Americans staff immigrant-rights groups. For a narcissistic country, the United States has a lot of excellent public museums that acknowledge historical injustice and encourage self-reflection.This country got its start as a naively daring social experiment already riven with contradictions. A group of European slave owners on ethnically cleansed land pledged to establish a nation whose self-evident truth was the equality of all. And yet, what they founded was a breathtakingly dynamic republic whose tree of creativity has never ceased leafing. The hopes vested in the United States have been sometimes vindicated, sometimes dashed. Chattel slavery endured here long after it was eradicated in Britain. But in 1860, Americans did elect a president who brought about its abolition at the end of a bloody civil war. The postwar promise of Reconstruction gave way to Dixiecrat rule and Jim Crow, but the American civil-rights movement of the 1960s was to become the most inspiring example of civil disobedience of its era, encapsulated in the call of Martin Luther King Jr. for the United States to “live up to the true meaning of its creed: We hold these truth to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”American actions abroad have also been contested and contradictory. In the Philippines, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, Washington played the role of imperial power. The same Washington helped establish the League of Nations in an effort to end all war—before the U.S. Senate refused to join it, undermining its efficacy. The United States first vowed to stay out of World War II, then joined the Allies to help defeat fascism on the beaches of Normandy and the plains of Manchuria. After the war, the United States helped establish democracies in Japan and West Germany—during the same era in which it took part in organizing an antidemocratic coup in Iran.[Listen: Are we living in a different America?]The essence of America has always been the battle over its essence. No one election has ever determined its complete or permanent nature, and that is as true now as it was in 1860 and 1876. If today’s America is the America of Donald Trump, it is also the America of those who would stand up to him.Don’t give up on this beautiful country. Its best traditions are now in danger, and no special genius of constitutional design will automatically keep them intact. In the hands of a president who may wish to model himself on Vladimir Putin, democratic institutions will be tested like never before. Americans will have to fight to safeguard them at every level of government. Daunting as this task may be, I have faith that Americans will rise to it. Trump may be the Founders’ nightmare, but their dreams can still outlive him.

After Donald Trump won the 2016 presidential election, Barack Obama dutifully carried out the peaceful transfer of power. But a large faction of Americans declined to treat Trump as a president with democratic legitimacy. In their telling, he lost the popular vote, urged foreign actors to interfere in the election, broke laws, and transgressed against the unwritten rules of liberal societies. So they fancied themselves members of the “resistance,” or waged lawfare, or urged the invocation of the Twenty-Fifth Amendment. Immediately after Trump’s inauguration, liberal groups started to push for his impeachment and removal from office.Now Trump is returning to the White House. But history isn’t quite repeating itself. This time, Trump’s case for democratic legitimacy is far stronger. He won the Electoral College decisively, and he appears likely to win the popular vote. No one believes that a foreign nation was responsible for his victory. Although he still has legal problems stemming from his past actions, no one alleges illegality in this campaign. For all of those reasons and more, a 2016-style resistance to Trump is now untenable. He will begin his term as a normal president.A small faction of Trump detractors may continue to say that he is illegitimate, because they believe that he should have been convicted during his impeachment, or because they see his attempts to overturn his election loss in 2020 as disqualifying, or because they believe he is a fascist.[Read: What can women do now?]But that approach will be less popular than ever, even among Trump opponents, because an opposition that purports to defend democracy cannot deny legitimacy to such a clear democratic winner; because the original resistance oversold enough of its allegations to diminish its ability to make new ones without proof; because some in the resistance are exhausted from years of obsessive, at times hysterical, focus on Trump; and because unaligned Americans who don’t even like Trump are tired of being browbeaten for not hating him enough.Maybe voters made a terrible mistake in 2024. But that’s a risk of democracy, so we must live with it. I have strong doubts about Trump’s character, his respect for the Constitution, and his judgment. I worry that his administration will engage in reckless spending and cruelty toward immigrants. Having opposed government overreach and civil-liberties abuses during every presidency I’ve covered, I anticipate having a lot of libertarian objections to Trump in coming years.Yet a part of me is glad that, if Trump had to win, the results are clear enough to make Resistance 2.0 untenable, because that approach failed to stop Trump the first time around. It deranged many Americans who credulously believed all of the resistance’s claims, and it foreclosed a posture toward Trump that strikes me as more likely to yield good civic results: normal political opposition.The American system makes effecting radical or reckless change hard.As a Never Trump voter who thought January 6 was disqualifying but who respects the results of this election, I urge this from fellow Trump skeptics: Stop indulging the fantasy that outrage, social stigma, language policing, a special counsel, the Twenty-Fifth Amendment, or impeachment will disappear him. And stop talking as if normal political opposition is capitulation. Everyone should normalize Trump. If he does something good, praise him. Trump is remarkably susceptible to flattery. Don’t hesitate to criticize him when he does something bad, but avoid overstatements. They are self-discrediting. And know that new House elections are just two years away. Focus on offering a better alternative to voters, not ousting the person they chose.Meanwhile, oppose Trump’s bad ideas by drawing on the normal tools Americans use to constrain all presidents. Our constitutional and civic checks on executive power are formidable, frustrating every administration. So be the John Boehner to his Obama. Even if ill intent exists in Trump’s inscrutable mind, his coalition does not wish to end democracy. Some will turn on the president when he merely has trouble fulfilling basic promises.And in America, power remains dispersed––the left never succeeded in shortsighted efforts to end the filibuster, or to destroy federalism and states’ rights, or to strip the private sector of independence from the state, or to allow the executive branch to define and police alleged misinformation.Until 2028, normal checks can constrain Trump. Then he will term out. Yes, he will almost certainly do some troubling things in the meantime: impose tariffs that will harm Americans with rising prices or carry out excessive deportations that needlessly harm families and communities. But he has a mandate for some lawful parts of his agenda, including parts that I personally hate.[Thomas Chatterton Williams: What the left keeps getting wrong]Amid the give-and-take of democratic politics, I hope that Trump will normalize himself too. Through what he says and does, he could reassure voters who regard him as a fascist with dictatorial aspirations, rather than deploying rhetoric—let alone taking actions—that elicit reasonable concern or fear. He may even try reassurance, if only because it would be in his own self-interest.A Trump who reassures the nation that he will adhere to the law, the Constitution, and basic human decency—and then does so—will inspire a lot less opposition than a Trump who indulges the excesses of his first term and reminds Americans why they rejected his bid in 2020.“We’re going to help our country heal,” Trump promised on Election Night. He has all the power he needs to make good on that promise, which will require restraining his worst impulses. If he succeeds, he will earn a historical legacy far better than the one he has today. I doubt that he has it in him. Typically, his word is not his bond. But I hope that he proves me wrong.

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President-elect Donald Trump speaks during an election night event at the Palm Beach Convention Center on November 6, 2024, in West Palm Beach, Florida. | Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images A Vox reader writes: “Trump can’t run for a third term, right? (Yes, we know what the Constitution says … but he really, truly can’t run for a third term, right??)” President-elect Donald Trump has won his second — and final — term in office.  While Trump has joked about pursuing a third term and has a penchant for promoting authoritarian ideas, he’s barred from running again by the 22nd Amendment of the US Constitution. To run for a third term, he’d have to repeal that amendment, and that would be difficult. Undoing a constitutional amendment requires an overwhelming level of support from Congress and state legislatures, support he would be unable to obtain.  When asked if there were legal loopholes or other ways for a president to get around the 22nd Amendment, Stanford University Law Professor Michael McConnell, a specialist in constitutional law, had a definitive answer.  “No. There are none. This will be his last run for president,” McConnell told Vox.  What the 22nd Amendment says The 22nd Amendment firmly limits presidents to two successful runs and applies equally to those elected to consecutive terms and those, like Trump, who are elected to nonconsecutive terms. It states the following:  “No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice, and no person who has held the office of President, or acted as President, for more than two years of a term to which some other person was elected President shall be elected to the office of the President more than once.” The amendment was ratified in 1951 and came after years of both parties calling for term limits for the presidency.  While President George Washington set a precedent for only holding two terms in office, President Franklin D. Roosevelt later became the first and only commander-in-chief to serve additional terms. Roosevelt was ultimately elected to four terms in office, though he passed away during his last term in 1945.  Following Roosevelt’s tenure, there were growing calls to establish term limits for future presidents, leading to Congress’s approval of the 22nd Amendment and states’ subsequent ratification.  Why it’s so hard to roll back the 22nd Amendment The thresholds for approving a constitutional amendment and for repealing it are exceedingly high.  There are two ways to go about rolling back an amendment. The first would require two-thirds of both the House – 290 members – and the Senate – 67 members – to agree to do so. Once they did so, three-fourths of all states – 38 – would then also have to agree.  These thresholds would be impossible for Trump to meet given Democratic opposition, and there would likely be some Republican outcry as well. While Republicans are poised to retake Senate control, they’ll fall far short of the two-thirds majority required for such a vote. If the GOP attains control of the House, they’d similarly fall far short of the two-thirds majority needed there. Additionally, at least 17 states have voted for Vice President Kamala Harris, signaling that they’d be unlikely to support any such amendment. That’s more than the one-fourth of states Trump could afford to lose should he somehow succeed in getting the amendment overturned by Congress. A second means of repealing an Amendment would require holding a Constitutional Convention, which two-thirds of states – 34 – would have to support. Any amendments proposed at such a Convention would still need ratification from three-fourths of states – 38.  This option would face the same opposition from Democrat-leaning states as the first one.  Since the amendment was first approved, there have been numerous proposals in Congress raised to repeal it, though they have all languished due to lack of support.  The amendment is crystal clear Experts say there aren’t really any realistic options for Trump to try to bypass the 22nd Amendment.  Theoretically, the 22nd Amendment doesn’t prevent a former president who has already served two terms from becoming vice president in a subsequent term. As vice president, that person could then potentially ascend to the presidency if the president on the ticket stepped down.  “It could theoretically happen, but it isn’t going to happen,” says McConnell, who added that it’s a “silly thing to worry about.” Efforts to challenge the amendment in court are also moot.  The Supreme Court does not have the basis to overturn the 22nd Amendment, according to legal experts.  Per UCLA law professor Adam Winkler, any challenge to a constitutional amendment would likely rest on arguments that the procedure used to approve the amendment was faulty in some way.  That’s “impossible” in this case, says Winkler, given how this amendment has been settled for more than seven decades.  Winkler notes the Supreme Court could try to interpret the 22nd Amendment to say that it only applies to presidents who have served consecutive terms, but even that would be a stretch based on its text. Any effort to declare the amendment unconstitutional by the Court would run into the problem of the amendment being part of the Constitution, notes McConnell. “By definition, the Constitution cannot be unconstitutional,” he says.  Overall, as Georgetown law professor Abbe Smith explained when asked if Trump could vie for a third term, it’s pretty simple: “Short answer: There is no way.”  As such, Trump’s recent run is set to be his final one. 

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Vice President Kamala Harris’s loss looks less like bad luck than the byproduct of deep, structural trends that will be difficult to reverse. The Democratic Party lost the presidency to an unpopular, indisciplined authoritarian with a penchant for rambling incoherently about Hannibal Lecter — again. Despite January 6, the Dobbs decision, and the GOP ticket’s many forays into racial incitement, Americans not only elected Donald Trump on Tuesday, but — by all appearances — gave him a popular mandate: Ballots still need to be tabulated but, as of this writing, Trump is poised to win the popular vote by a hefty margin.  Democrats also lost their Senate majority. If current results hold, Republicans will enjoy a 53-to-47 seat advantage in Congress’s upper chamber, and likely narrow the House advantage.  All this amounts to a crisis for Democrats. The only question is the scale of their challenge.  The optimistic read of Election Day results is that the party drew a bad hand. Democrats faced a series of contingent headwinds in this particular election cycle — voter outrage over post-pandemic inflation, a rhetorically inept president, and an electorally undistinguished nominee — none of which are likely to burden them going forward. In this read, Democrats may need to adjust their tactics. But their basic strategic orientation remains sound.  Yet there is another, bleaker interpretation of Tuesday’s returns. From this vantage, Vice President Kamala Harris’s loss looks less like bad luck than the byproduct of deep, structural trends that will be difficult to reverse, especially once the GOP gets out from under Trump’s grip. For this reason, Democrats cannot realistically hope to wield control of the federal government without substantially revising the party’s agenda and messaging.  Both perspectives are plausible. It is impossible to say with certainty which of these readings is closer to the truth. But I suspect that the Democrats’ problems are larger than the peculiar disadvantages they faced this election cycle. If the party does not take that possibility seriously, it risks condemning the United States to a period of reactionary rule that extends well beyond Trump’s second term — assuming it has not already done so.   Why Democrats might be bound to bounce back The case for chalking up Trump’s victory to contingent, ephemeral factors is fivefold.  First, the past four years were a very bad time to be in power. The pandemic did real damage to the global economy, which governments papered over through deficit spending in 2020. But the bill for Covid-19 was always going to come due in 2021 and 2022. And virtually every party that happened to be in power at that time proceeded to suffer at the ballot box. Since the onset of post-pandemic inflation, ruling parties either lost seats or control of government altogether in Austria, Britain, Germany, Italy, and Japan, among other nations. If polls hold steady, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s governing Liberal Party is poised for a landslide defeat in next year’s Canadian election. Given this transcontinental desire for change, Democrats keeping the election close could be seen as a credit to the party’s political health.  Second, the Democrats’ senescent president compounded the harms of their unfortunate timing. The party spent the first leg of the general election campaign tethered to an octogenarian who lacked basic proficiency in public speaking. Biden’s conspicuous feebleness — and the Democrats’ initial compulsion to unite behind him, in defiance of the public’s wishes — made it all the more difficult to overcome the public’s discontent with elevated prices. Third, Harris was a suboptimal standard-bearer who owed her nomination more to circumstance than demonstrable electoral success.  Harris’s electoral track record prior to 2024 was unimpressive. In her first statewide election in 2010, she defeated a Republican in the California attorney general race by less than 1 percentage point (two years earlier, Barack Obama had bested John McCain by more than 23 points in that state). In 2020, Harris began her run for the Democratic nomination with strong fundraising and an early surge in the polls. Yet her campaign collapsed before the primary’s first ballots were cast. Further, as a Californian whose Senate voting record put her on the left wing of her caucus, Harris was not an ideal figurehead for a party anxious to appeal to Trump-curious Midwesterners. And she compounded these liabilities by taking several unpopular stances during her 2020 primary campaign in a bid for progressive support, which the Trump campaign highlighted incessantly. Next time around, there will be an open Democratic primary, in which no sitting vice president (nor former one) will enjoy an advantage in name-recognition or party support. And if 2020 is any guide, the Democratic electorate will be eager to nominate a maximally electable nominee. Fourth, Democratic Senate candidates in swing states ran far ahead of Harris on Tuesday night. As of this writing, it looks like Democrats will win the Senate races in Arizona, Michigan, Nevada, and Wisconsin. This suggests that swing-state voters may have been more discounted with the Biden-Harris administration than with the Democratic Party writ large.  Finally, and perhaps most importantly, Trump is all but certain to do many things that the public won’t like. His team is already signaling it intends to move forward with mass deportation, a concept voters may like in the abstract, but which will yield price increases they are sure to loathe and humanitarian nightmares that many will struggle to stomach.  Free of Biden and Harris’s personal liabilities — and from culpability for any economic discontents — Democrats will have an excellent shot of regaining the White House on a wave of anti-Trump backlash in 2028. Why the path of least resistance could lead Democrats deeper into the wilderness There are reasons for fearing that the Democrats’ problems are deeper and more abiding than inflation, Biden’s age, or Harris’s imperfections.  All the data available to us right now is imperfect. But the returns and voter surveys tell a consistent story: In 2024, two long-term trends in American voting behavior — that are highly unfavorable for Democrats — accelerated.  The first is the rightward drift of working-class voters. Americans without college degrees have been shifting rightward for decades, but Trump’s conquest of the GOP in 2016 greatly accelerated that trend. Biden fended off further erosion in his party’s working-class support four years later. But in 2024, working-class defections from blue America resumed. According to AP VoteCast, Trump won non-college-educated voters by 4 points in 2020 — and by 12 points four years later.  To a large extent, Democrats have compensated for losses with working-class voters through gains with college graduates. But this did not happen in 2024: Harris did remarkably well with college educated, given her overall performance, but still lost about one point of support with the demographic relative to 2020, according to the AP survey.  Meanwhile, in a distinct — but likely related — development, Democrats lost ground with nonwhite voters. Harris actually won the same share of the white vote as Biden did in 2020 (43 percent), according to the AP’s figures. But her margin over Trump with Black voters was 14 points lower than Biden’s, while her advantage with Hispanic voters was 13 points smaller than the last Democratic nominees.  The AP VoteCast’s data is highly imperfect. But its basic story is consistent with the geographic pattern of Tuesday’s results. Florida, where only 52 percent of the population is non-Hispanic white, went for Trump by 13 points. In Hazleton, Pennsylvania — where 62 percent of residents are Hispanic — Democrats went from winning the presidential vote by 5 points in 2016 to losing it by 25 on Tuesday night. In Queens, one of the most diverse counties in the United States, the Democratic nominee’s margin over Trump was roughly 20 points lower than it had been in 2020.  Democrats lost ground almost everywhere. But they maintained support — or grew it — in some overwhelmingly white and affluent enclaves, such as Cumberland County, Maine, and the Northwest Hills Planning Region of Connecticut.  These trends are concerning for at least two reasons.  First, there is a theoretical basis for believing that the trends derive from deep-seated, structural changes in American life and will therefore be difficult to fully reverse.  Working-class voters have not only been drifting right in the United States for decades — they’ve also been doing so in virtually every Western nation. The reasons for this are complex, but they relate to the weakening of trade unions amid deindustrialization, and the tendency of highly educated people to hold unusually cosmopolitan values — an inclination that spurs social conflict when college graduates become numerous enough to dominate cultural production and center-left politics. And trade unions are not going to become drastically more powerful — nor educated professionals, less multitudinous — anytime soon. Meanwhile, there’s long been reason to suspect that Hispanic and Black voters would grow less Democratic over time. For decades, Democrats have been relying on the votes of conservative nonwhites, whose support for the party derived less from ideological affinity than inherited allegiances.  As many Hispanic American families enter their third and fourth generations, however, they tend to grow more assimilated. And if the political trajectory of previous immigrant groups was any guide, Latinos were liable to become more Republican (and white identifying) as they gained more distance from the immigrant experience. And this would be especially true of the subset that was already temperamentally disposed to conservative politics. Similarly, Democrats’ capacity to win roughly 90 percent of the Black vote, year in and year out, was arguably rooted in historical conditions that are gradually fading. As the political scientists Ismail K. White and Cheryl N. Laird argued in their 2020 book, Steadfast Democrats: How Social Forces Shape Black Political Behavior, the Black voting bloc is a product of African American communities internally policing norms of political behavior through social rewards and penalties. And such norm enforcement has historically been exceptionally effective due to the extraordinary degree of social cohesion that slavery and segregation fostered. As American society grows more integrated, and attendance declines at community institutions like the Black church, Laird and White predicted that there would be a “slow but steady diversification of Black partisanship,” as the norm of supporting Democrats grew harder to enforce. Tuesday’s result is consistent with that hypothesis. The second cause for concern about these trends is that Trump’s retirement from politics could plausibly exacerbate them.  Democrats weren’t the only party facing unusual liabilities in 2024. The GOP was once again saddled with an unpopular, exceptionally undisciplined, and explicitly racist nominee.  To be sure, Trump likely helped Republicans gain ground with non-college-educated voters in 2016 by forcing the party to embrace stances on immigration and entitlement spending that are popular with that demographic. And it is possible that his personal celebrity and charisma rendered him uniquely capable of reaching politically disaffected or disengaged constituencies.  Nevertheless, given that the rightward drift of working-class voters is a transnational phenomenon, a future Republican standard-bearer would have a good chance of building on Trump’s gains, particularly if they retained his positioning and populist rhetoric. At the same time, were such a Republican to dispense with, say, allowing surrogates to liken nonwhite ethnic groups to garbage, they might do even better with Black and Hispanic voters than Trump did.  All this wouldn’t be so damaging for Democrats, if the rightward drift of nonwhite and working-class voters ensured the leftward movement of college-educated whites. But there is no such guarantee. In fact, it is hard to imagine a GOP nominee more offensive to the sensibilities of the highly educated than Trump, a vulgar, anti-intellectual, misogynist who evinces contempt for democracy. If the GOP nominates a more ordinary Republican in 2028 — a near certainty, given Trump’s ineligibility for a third term — then Democrats could see their share of the college-educated vote fall, even as structural forces prevent a rebound in their Black and Hispanic support. Finally and least ambiguously, both the Biden and Harris coalitions are poorly equipped to compete for Senate control. As of this writing, it looks like Republicans will have a 53-seat Senate majority in the new Congress — even with Democratic Senate candidates winning a majority of races in swing states. Looking ahead to the 2026 and 2028 Senate maps, it is not easy to chart a path back to Democratic control. To win back the chamber, Democrats would need to beat Republicans in states that both Biden and Harris lost, while reelecting Democratic incumbents in purple states like Georgia. The Democrats’ weak position in the Senate is not coincidental; the body heavily overrepresents non-college-educated voters.  Thus, unless the party can broaden its support, it will be incapable of appointing Supreme Court justices or passing major legislation without Republicans’ help.  Democrats should plan for the worst It is entirely possible that Trump’s misgovernance will solve the Democratic Party’s problems for it. If he follows through on his immigration and trade plans, he will engineer an economic disaster. But Democrats should not bank on that (not least because it’s their responsibility to do whatever they can to prevent such a calamity from happening). Prudence demands that Democrats take the grimmest interpretation of Tuesday’s results seriously. The party’s eroding support from both working-class and nonwhite voters could render it uncompetitive in future presidential elections, and has already put it at a large disadvantage in the fight for Senate control.  Democrats do not control their fate. A second Trump presidency threatens to pervert the democratic process in ways that entrench Republican power. But the party can try to make itself appealing to a broader share of Americans. And it must.

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