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French Manicures With a Twist Ruled the Met Gala

The Met Gala is back for another year of fundraising and festivities, and some of our favorite celebrities have been bringing the heat nonstop tonight. The 2024 theme is "Sleeping Beauties: Reawakening Fashion" with a dress code of "The Garden of Time." Standout moments of the night have brought us everything from '90s-inspired skinny or barely-there eyebrows, floral hair accessories, and lots of body glitter, but our favorite trend has to be the many different twists on the classic french manicure.

The nail look, first popularized in the early '00s, has seen such a resurgence in recent years that it practically deserves its own star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame. It has become synonymous with formal red carpet events thanks to its versatility, but that same aspect also makes it a perfect manicure for day-to-day wear. Just tonight alone, the trend has been spotted on Cardi B, Doja Cat, Lil Nas X, Gigi Hadid, and more. Even better? No two looks are the same, proving once again how adaptable the trend can be.

There are still a few looks coming down the white carpet, but in the meantime, see some of the best french manicures of the night so far. Between Doja Cat's claw-like set and Hadid's 3D floral accents, you'll have nail inspiration to pull from for years to come.


Read full article on: popsugar.com
Xander Schauffele’s wife reveals boozy celebration after PGA Championship triumph
Xander Schauffele and his wife, Maya Lowe, had a boozy celebration with the Wanamaker Trophy after the American pro won his first major at the PGA Championship in Louisville, Ky., on Sunday.
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Tucker Carlson Launches Show On Russian State TV
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Hollywood's weak recovery is hurting jobs. The industry's middle class is feeling the pain
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Eagles Wide Receiver Suddenly Retires From NFL After 9-Year Career
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The DOJ Is Making a Huge Mistake Censoring a Journalist Who Embarrassed Fox News
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Russia Arrests Top Commander Who Slammed Putin's Military
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newsweek.com
Freddie Freeman can still be great. He just has to do more to tap into it
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‘The Bachelorette’ star Trista Sutter is ‘inaccessible,’ husband Ryan says: ‘I miss her’
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Elvis Presley's granddaughter fights company's attempt to sell Graceland estate
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abcnews.go.com
‘Pirates Of The Caribbean’ Producer Jerry Bruckheimer Says Johnny Depp Would Star In Reboot “If It Was Up To Me”
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Demi Moore Goes Full Frontal For Cannes Hit ‘The Substance’ At Age 61: “It Was A Very Vulnerable Experience”
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In Interview, Zelensky of Ukraine Challenges West Over Hesitations
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nytimes.com
How Leaders Can Change Their Company Cultures By Changing Themselves
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Why Rory McIlroy and wife Erica Stoll are divorcing: ‘Breaking point’
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More Florida panthers have died so far in 2024 than in all of last year
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AP says Israel shut down live video feed of Gaza in misuse of new law
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Video Shows Moment Russian 'Turtle Tank' Is Destroyed by Mine
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Kharkiv Map Shows Russian Offensive Falter Amid Fears of Ukraine Counter
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newsweek.com
Why Trump’s running mate could be the most important VP pick of our time
Former US President Donald Trump speaks during a campaign event at Wildwood Beach in Wildwood, New Jersey, on May 11, 2024. In a normal presidential campaign, the announcement of a running mate gets a lot of media attention — but has little immediate importance.  But Donald Trump’s campaign this year is not normal. And his veep pick this year could well be the most important such choice of our time – with major implications for the future of both the Republican Party and American democracy as a whole. The vice presidency of the United States is an odd office. Its main function is to simply have someone on deck if the president dies or resigns. But the office has very few formal powers. Modern presidents sometimes delegate tasks for their vice president to do, but veeps mostly just hang around waiting for their chance at the big job. “I am nothing, but I may be everything,” the country’s first vice president, John Adams, famously said. Veeps matter because they have a decent chance of later becoming president, even though most don’t: 15 of our 49 veeps so far have later gotten the big job. The more common way to do that is the abrupt one — nine ascended because the president died or resigned. But six others later got elected in their own right, including, of course, the current president. So usually, the veep is the (possible) future of the party, but a new veep typically has to wait eight years (through a presidential reelection campaign) to get to that future, and his or her nearer-term importance in governing is less clear. But there are three unusual features about Trump’s situation that mean his veep pick will be more immediately important than usual. 1) Trump is term-limited, and there’s much uncertainty about the post-Trump GOP: Let’s start with the obvious: If Trump wins in November, the Constitution is clear that he can’t be elected for another term in 2028. So unless there’s a total collapse in constitutional government and the rule of law — fingers crossed there’s not! — he starts as a lame duck. Enter his vice president. Modern veeps are nationally known figures who have at least a good shot at winning their party’s presidential nomination in the future. There have been 20 presidential elections since World War II, and 12 have featured a veep — current or former — on the ballot. So Trump’s VP will be widely interpreted as his possible successor. On top of that, Trump’s persona has loomed so large over GOP politics for the past decade that it’s hard to imagine what the post-Trump Republican Party will look like. His choice could well determine whether the party gets even more extreme, or whether there’s a relative return to normalcy. 2) Trump poses threats to democracy — would his VP stand up to him? Typically, the veep’s only formal power of note (besides being the successor-in-waiting) is being the tie-breaking Senate vote, as the president of the Senate. But on January 6, 2021, another VP duty — presiding over Congress’s counting of the presidential electoral votes — became hugely important as Trump tried to steal the election from Joe Biden. The count is usually a formality, but Trump pressured Vice President Mike Pence to effectively seize control of the vote count, tossing out swing state results where Biden won. Had Pence actually done that, it would have thrown the process into chaos. But, relying on legal advice that he had no such authority — and, perhaps, on his own conscience — Pence refused. What if someone more unscrupulous had been in the VP job on that day?  The exact circumstances of the 2020 election crisis are unlikely to repeat. But a second-term Trump may well try to degrade democracy in other ways that are difficult to precisely foresee. Which raises the question: Will Trump’s future veep stand up and defend democracy, or not? The early signs aren’t great. Last week, we saw the spectacle of various veep hopefuls trekking to New York City to spin for Trump outside of his criminal trial, competing over who could come up with the most fulsome protest of how unfairly Trump was being treated by the legal system. With 2028 coming around so soon, the incentives for the VP to remain in Trump’s good graces will be strong, since falling out of his favor could sink any chance of becoming president. That may mean turning a blind eye to Trump’s abuses of power. Or the veep could end up doing the right thing; anything’s possible. 3) Trump’s age and corruption make it more likely he’d leave office involuntarily ahead of schedule: Finally, though veeps have often gone on to be elected president, the more common way they’ve ended up in the job is through its sudden vacancy, due to health or scandal reasons. Both are a bit more likely to befall Trump than the average president. Trump is about to turn 78, and his advanced age makes it somewhat more likely that health reasons would prevent him from making it all the way through another four-year term. The odds of that are probably still low — Trump isn’t known to have serious health problems and would benefit from top-notch care. Still, sometimes old people decline quickly. (All this applies to Biden as well, of course.) Apart from death, the only other reason the presidency has been vacated early is a corruption scandal, when Nixon resigned to avert certain impeachment and removal from office. Trump is famously corrupt and is already the only president to be impeached twice. So it isn’t much of a stretch to suspect that there might be some corruption or abuse of power scandals leading to another Trump impeachment effort in his next term. Conviction seems less plausible: It’s possible that, no matter what Trump ended up doing, there wouldn’t be enough Senate Republicans willing to remove him from power.  Still, it is at least theoretically possible that there is a line he could cross that would finally lead to Congress booting him. If so, the vice president would be there to take his job. This story originally appeared in Today, Explained, Vox’s flagship daily newsletter. Sign up here for future editions.
vox.com
How Kevin McCarthy is influencing the race for his former congressional seat
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Hairless Cat Wearing a Shower Cap Refuses To Get out of the Bath: 'Nope'
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‘The Fall Guy’ Comes To Digital, But When Will ‘The Fall Guy’ Be Streaming on Peacock?
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‘Bachelor’ alum Colton Underwood expecting first baby with husband Jordan C. Brown
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New details of Scottie Scheffler incident emerge from ESPN’s Bob Wischusen: ‘Got very angry’
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CNN interview with rapper Cam’ron takes awkward turn
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Target slashing prices on thousands of items this summer
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Elvis Presley's granddaughter files lawsuit as Graceland mansion heads for foreclosure auction
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Prosecution rests in Trump's New York criminal trial
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cbsnews.com
FAA under new pressure to examine size, safety of airplane seats
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‘Teen Mom 2’ alum Kailyn Lowry reveals she was denied boob job after ‘humbling’ conversation about her weight
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Saudi tycoon slashes price of never-lived-in NYC penthouse by $64M — initially listed for $169M
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US Spy Plane Sweeps North Korean Border
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I Use Pokémon GO to Teach Math at College
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WATCH: Teacher and student have dance-off
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abcnews.go.com
Opinion: Trump Defense’s ‘Gotcha’ Moments Failed Against Prosecution’s Strength
Michael M. Santiago/Pool/AFP via GettyThe prosecution rested its case in the New York Trump trial, which means that they are finished presenting their evidence.Now the defense has a chance to put on their case if they choose to do so, as they are not obligated to put forth any evidence. The burden of putting forth evidence and proving the case in a criminal trial always remains entirely with the prosecution. They are the side that must prove the guilt of a defendant beyond a reasonable doubt.At the close of the government’s case, the defense gets the chance to ask the judge to dismiss the case based on the premise that the prosecution has not proven the elements of the case sufficiently to allow the case even to go to a jury.Read more at The Daily Beast.
thedailybeast.com
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Live Updates: Defense Resumes Witness Testimony in Trump Hush Money Trial
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Baby steals hearts by saying she wants to stay at Four Seasons Orlando — and the hotel responds
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Serena Williams Teases Tennis Return in Viral Message
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Can lawmakers cap out-of-pocket child care costs?
Brittany Kjenaas and her husband live with their three-year-old daughter in northern Minnesota, paying more for child care than their mortgage. Kjenaas, a health care supply manager and her husband, a miner on the Iron Range, cite their daycare bills as the primary reason they’ve abandoned plans to have any more children. “We waited until we were in our ‘30s to start a family and…it’s not an exaggeration to say that the decision was based on the cost of child care,” she said. “She is our only child, and unless something changes in the cost of child care, she will remain our only child.” Kjenaas is not alone in speaking out about how the prohibitive costs of child care are shaping the reproductive decisions of middle class families like hers, families that are ineligible for any of the existing low-income child care assistance programs. In Minnesota state Sen. Grant Hauschild has been sharing how he and his wife considered having a third child but decided against it due to daycare costs. It’s among the top three issues he hears about from constituents on a daily basis, as well as from prospective employers considering setting up businesses in his region. It’s what makes a bill Hauschild introduced alongside Minnesota Rep. Carlie Kotyza-Witthuhn this year so interesting. Their legislation — known as Great Start Affordability Scholarships — targets middle and upper-middle class families, those earning up to 150 percent of the state median income, or $174,000 for a family of four. Think Small, a local children’s advocacy group, estimated the scholarships would reduce child care costs for 86 percent of Minnesotans with kids under 5. The benefits would be on a sliding scale but could be as high as $600 a month per child, with the state sending payments directly to Minnesota child care providers. The effort aims to ultimately cap family child care payments at seven percent of a household’s annual income, an affordability threshold endorsed by the federal Department of Health and Human Services, and more recently by a bipartisan Minnesota state task force. (HHS landed on this benchmark about a decade ago after determining that between 1997 and 2011 families spent about seven percent of their income consistently on child care.) A seven percent cap would represent a massive change for most Minnesota families, who pay some of the steepest child care costs in the country. Infant care in Minnesota stands at an average annual cost of $1,341 per month, and $1,021 for preschool. The Economic Policy Institute, a left-leaning national think tank, estimates the average Minnesota family with an infant and a preschooler pays now roughly 37 percent of their household income for care. State leaders like Hauschild have been getting fed up with federal inaction. Republicans rebuffed Democrats’ $400 billion child care proposal during the 2021 Build Back Better fight, and child care funding was excluded from Congress’ Inflation Reduction Act in 2022. While bipartisan compromise on child care seems possible, leaders right now seem to only be able to find common ground on helping low-income families. The Minnesota proposal failed to advance this year, but advocates believe their time lobbying on an off-cycle budget year has positioned them well for 2025 when the legislature embarks on more serious appropriations. Still, whether state lawmakers will be able to ever fully fund the program’s cost (an estimated roughly $2 billion or so annually) without the federal government is unclear. If the proposal passes, Kjenaas said it would do even more than enable her family to grow. “If we pay a few thousand less on child care we’d be able to take our daughter to the zoo, go see a movie, and even plan a fun road trip because we’d finally be able to do so without the stress of how much money it would cost at the end,” Kjenaas testified before a Minnesota House subcommittee in November. “We’d be able to buy healthy food at the grocery store instead of pre-packaged stuff. We’d be able to have time to make healthy meals because my husband wouldn’t have to work overtime to pay catch up on our bills…We’d have room to breathe.” Building a bigger political base for child care Not everyone in Minnesota agrees with the push to expand child care subsidies for wealthier families, especially since low-income families are still struggling. But it helps, advocates say, that the state legislature succeeded a year prior in securing new child care investments specifically for poor families. Armed with a substantial budget surplus, Minnesota lawmakers in 2023 raised early childhood education workers’ pay with a half billion dollar investment, and invested $300 million more into early learning, including new investments in Head Start and low-income scholarships. “For a long time the emphasis has been on most vulnerable kids and we made some really big strides in that area last session,” said Ericca Maas, director of policy and advocacy for Think Small. “We came together after that and said well glaring at us is middle-class families.” Clare Sanford, the government relations chair for the Minnesota Child Care Association, a provider group, said the debates around equity continued this year as advocates lobbied for the Great Start Affordability Scholarships program. Some activists protested pushing to help wealthier families before those with the least resources were fully covered. This debate was never fully resolved, but ultimately, Sanford said, leading groups decided they’d be more successful in the long-term if they could expand their coalition to include more families. “There’s a fundamental agreement that we need to help those who have the least first, and we know we haven’t finished doing that, however part of the strategy, is we need middle class families to see themselves as part of this,” she told Vox. “We need more political will to form a greater political base.” Megan Pulford, a single mother of two in northeastern Minnesota, is the type of parent advocates like Sanford want to bring into their coalition. As a bank loan officer Pulford has never qualified for state child care assistance, but covering the cost of daycare for her two kids comes at nearly $2,000 a month. “Money is just so tight, our bills are just so tight,” she told Vox. “If we didn’t have to pay as much for child care we could actually put more into our local grocers, local businesses.” A big part of the coalition-building strategy is helping middle and upper-middle class parents overcome feelings of shame that they may be struggling with costs at all. Lawmakers have long treated child care assistance as a carrot to induce poor mothers to work, rather than a general investment in the healthy development of all children. “The myth in our country is that very young children are a private responsibility, not a public one,” said Sanford. “Everyone will pay taxes to fund public K-12 schools whether or not they have kids because that’s a commitment we’ve made as a society that an educated workforce is something we all need. We do the exact opposite for ages 0-5.” “We feel the need to help parents really understand that this is a shared experience, and that it’s okay for them to share that they’re not holding up,” Maas, of Think Small, added. The search for simple language continues American child care advocacy is often plagued by cumbersome math and jargon, and the effort in Minnesota this year was no different. In contrast to Canadian politicians who’ve been spearheading a message around child care costs for no more than $10-a-day, US progressives have long stuck with more complicated language around limiting costs to thresholds of annual household income. (The specific threshold to signal affordability used to be ten percent, though was lowered to seven percent about ten years ago.) The seven percent benchmark was recently included in Senate Democrats’ Child Care for Every Community Act, and the Biden administration’s new rule to reduce child care costs for families already receiving subsidies. Rep. Kotyza-Witthuh, the Minnesota House sponsor of the Great Start Affordability Scholarships, said they felt seven percent was a good target because Minnesota lawmakers had already pledged commitment to the goal last year in statute, and because it already exists as a federal recommendation. But advocates acknowledge it can be very confusing, particularly since many families don’t know what seven percent of their household income is, and for some families the goal is to still have them spend less than seven percent. Talking about “capping” child care costs, advocates hoped, would at least provide a clear policy message they could galvanize parents around, but then child care providers started getting nervous, interpreting the cap language as a cap on their expenses, or a cap on the amount of tuition they can charge. “People freak out when you talk about a cap,” Maas told Vox. “Providers freak out about things they charge being capped, and some parents really bristle too at the idea that they couldn’t invest more in their child if they wanted to.” To mitigate this confusion, some advocates started describing the proposed scholarship subsidy as more like a co-pay, similar to health insurance. But health insurance costs are also among the most confusing Americans have to budget for. While the fight was unsuccessful this session, Democratic leaders in Minnesota say they’re keeping it as a goal for 2025. “It is a priority for my caucus and our leadership,” said Kotyza-Witthuhn. “Everyone knows the system is broken.”
vox.com
Matt Bellamy and wife Elle Evans welcome their second baby together
The infant got his first name from the Muse frontman's father, George, and his middle names from the model's parents, Julie and Billy Wade.
nypost.com
Kate Middleton issues her first major update on new project since cancer diagnosis
The Princess of Wales, 42, has been undergoing chemotherapy treatment behind the scenes after revealing her cancer diagnosis to the world in March.
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nypost.com