Mike Davis trolls the left online. He could also help Trump pick MAGA judges

Arrest records show Malinowsky was arrested for trespassing and failure to appear in court on previous charges of operating an unregistered vehicle and having no valid driver's license.

Many of the women participating in Chicago's She Ro intervention program have lost a loved one to gun violence.

A Long Island man died in July after eating listeria-contaminated Boar’s Head liverwurst, and his widow is now suing the company for $20 million.

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The point guard position is going to be a key to the Nets' season — from the starter(s) to the backups.

"Love Is Blind" star Hannah Jiles recently revealed her dramatic weight loss on social media -- and told The Post exactly how much she shed in the year since taping the show.

Disturbing new details and heart-wrenching testimony were given during the first day of the Delphi murders trial. Prosecutors revealed how Abby Williams, 13, and Libby German, 14, were killed on a hiking trail more than seven years ago. Here's what to know about the case.

The Bada Bling is a "high-energy" pole dancing fitness studio, not a "strip club in a strip mall," although some people had to be convinced.

The judge overseeing Donald Trump's federal election interference proceedings unsealed nearly 1,900 pages of heavily redacted evidence that special counsel Jack Smith assembled to build his case against the former president. Trump's legal team objected to the release before next month's election, but the judge said withholding the information from the public could itself constitute election interference.

Early voting opened in North Carolina this week, and voters have already cast a record number of ballots, even in the wake of Hurricane Helene. Voting is also set to open in Detroit, a crucial swing state that both Vice President Kamala Harris and former President Donald Trump campaigned in on Friday.

On Jay Shetty’s "On Purpose" podcast, the Grammy-nominated singer looked back on his arrests, including one for armed robbery at age 15, hoping his victims will forgive him.

Years before his shocking death, Liam Payne revealed that being "locked" inside his hotel room, unable to go out because of crazed fans, was the start of his struggles with alcohol.

Stephen King’s “You Like it Darker,” narrated by the magnificent Will Patton, is among this month’s best audiobooks.

Netanyahu dismissed an international campaign to prevent Israel from seizing the Hamas bastion of Rafah in Gaza, where Israel killed Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar.

Prada bags and Stuart Weitzman boots were on offer. But who wore them? Nobody knew.

With the unexpected death of Yahya Sinwar this week, Israel suddenly finds itself at a pivotal moment in its long and painful conflict with Hamas. Sinwar, the mastermind behind numerous terrorist attacks and the orchestrator of the Oct. 7 massacre, was not just a leader but the face of Hamas’s ruthlessness. His death, while a...

In Elon Musk’s vision of human history, Donald Trump is the singularity. If Musk can propel Trump back to the White House, it will mark the moment that his own superintelligence merges with the most powerful apparatus on the planet, the American government—not to mention the business opportunity of the century.Many other titans of Silicon Valley have tethered themselves to Trump. But Musk is the one poised to live out the ultimate techno-authoritarian fantasy. With his influence, he stands to capture the state, not just to enrich himself. His entanglement with Trump will be an Ayn Rand novel sprung to life, because Trump has explicitly invited Musk into the government to play the role of the master engineer, who redesigns the American state—and therefore American life—in his own image.Musk’s pursuit of this dream clearly transcends billionaire hobbyism. Consider the personal attention and financial resources that he is pouring into the former president’s campaign. According to The New York Times, Musk has relocated to Pennsylvania to oversee Trump’s ground game there. That is, he’s running the infrastructure that will bring voters to the polls. In service of this cause, he’s imported top talent from his companies, and he reportedly plans on spending $500 million on it. That doesn’t begin to account for the value of Musk’s celebrity shilling, and the way he has turned X into an informal organ of the campaign. Musk began as a Trump skeptic—a supporter of Ron DeSantis, in fact. Only gradually did he become an avowed, rhapsodic MAGA believer. His attitude toward Trump seems to parallel his view of artificial intelligence. On the one hand, AI might culminate in the destruction of humanity. On the other hand, it’s inevitable, and if harnessed by a brilliant engineer, it has glorious, maybe even salvific potential.Musk’s public affection for Trump begins, almost certainly, with his savvy understanding of economic interests—namely, his own. Like so many other billionaire exponents of libertarianism, he has turned the government into a spectacular profit center. His company SpaceX relies on contracts with three-letter agencies and the Pentagon. It has subsumed some of NASA’s core functions. Tesla thrives on government tax credits for electric vehicles and subsidies for its network of charging stations. By Politico’s tabulation, both companies have won $15 billion in federal contracts. But that’s just his business plan in beta form. According to The Wall Street Journal, SpaceX is designing a slew of new products with “national security customers in mind.” Musk has only begun to tap the pecuniary potential of the government, and Trump is the dream. He rewards loyalists, whether they are foreign leaders who genuflect before him or supplicants who host events at his resorts. Where other presidents might be restrained by norms, Trump shrugs. During his first term, he discovered that his party was never going to punish him for his transgressions.[Read: Elon Musk has the “off” switch]In the evolving topography of Trumpland, none of his supporters or cronies will have chits to compare with Musk’s. If Trump wins, it will likely be by a narrow margin that can be attributed to turnout. Musk can tout himself as the single variable of success.It’s not hard to imagine how the mogul will exploit this alliance. Trump has already announced that he will place him in charge of a government-efficiency commission. Or, in the Trumpian vernacular, Musk will be the “secretary of cost-cutting.” SpaceX is the implied template: Musk will advocate for privatizing the government, outsourcing the affairs of state to nimble entrepreneurs and adroit technologists. That means there will be even more opportunities for his companies to score gargantuan contracts. So when Trump brags that Musk will send a rocket to Mars during his administration, he’s not imagining a reprise of the Apollo program. He’s envisioning cutting SpaceX one of the largest checks that the U.S. government has ever written. He’s talking about making the richest man in the world even richer.Of course, this could be bluster. But it is entirely consistent with the rest of the right’s program for Trump’s second term, which involves dismantling the federal government—eliminating swaths of the politically neutral civil service and entire Cabinet departments and agencies. It is exactly the kind of sweeping change that suits Musk’s grandiose sense of his own place in human history.This isn’t a standard-issue case of oligarchy. It is an apotheosis of the egotism and social Darwinism embedded in Silicon Valley’s pursuit of monopoly—the sense that concentration of power in the hands of geniuses is the most desirable social arrangement. As Peter Thiel once put it, “Competition is for losers.” (He also bluntly admitted, “I no longer believe that freedom and democracy are compatible.”) In this worldview, restraints on power are for losers, too.With his government contracts—and his insider influence—Musk will become further ensconced in the national-security state. (He already has a $1.8 billion classified contract, likely with the National Reconnaissance Office, and, through a division of SpaceX called Starshield, supplies communications networks for the military.) At a moment when the government is confronting crucial decisions about the future of AI and the commercialization of space, his ideals will hold sway.At Tesla, Musk assigned himself the title of “technoking.” That moniker, which sits on the line between jokiness and monomania, captures the danger. Following the example set by Trump, he wouldn’t need to divest himself from his businesses, not even his social-media company. In an administration that brashly disrespects its critics, he wouldn’t need to fear congressional oversight and could brush aside any American who dares to question his role. Of all the risks posed by a second Trump term, this might be one of the most terrifying.

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Two men wearing “Black MAGA” shirts stand up after being called on to do so by former president and current Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump as he speaks during a campaign event on August 3, 2024, in Atlanta, Georgia. | Elijah Nouvelage/Washington Post/Getty Images For years, Black men have been an integral part of the Democratic coalition.  In 2012, 87 percent of Black men backed former President Barack Obama; in 2016, 82 percent backed former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton; and in 2020, 79 percent backed President Joe Biden, according to NBC exit polls. This year, 70 percent have said they’re backing Vice President Kamala Harris, per a recent New York Times/Siena poll.  As those numbers make clear, the group overwhelmingly supports Democrats, but their loyalty has begun to wane, a shift that stretches across the last several campaigns. That attrition has something to do with the candidates themselves, but also with voters’ longstanding disillusionment with the party. Despite being one of Democrats’ most loyal voting blocs, some Black voters have felt ignored and taken for granted as campaign promises and change have been slow to materialize. “People are disappointed with the Democrats,” says David Childs, a history professor and director of the Black Studies Program at Northern Kentucky University. “A lot of people feel disenfranchised. They don’t feel like they have a voice.” An added twist is some evidence that the Democrats’ leftward shift on social issues may also be a factor. Reviewing polling on respondents’ views on LGBTQ issues, Thomas Edsall of the New York Times noted that views expressed by Black voters in one survey suggested that “some aspects of Democratic liberal orthodoxy contribute to the exodus of conservative minorities from the party.”  The erosion Democrats have seen could be attributed to any number of reasons. But broadly, here are three theories that can explain why some Black men are feeling cool toward the party this cycle:  1) A sense of economic stagnation In the last four years, Black Americans have faced the same economic challenges as everyone else, while also navigating racial wealth and wage gaps that mean many Black families feel the effects of rising costs and inflation more keenly than their white counterparts.  While Black unemployment reached an all-time low during the Biden administration, it’s still twice as high as white unemployment. Similarly, while the Black poverty rate reached a record low in 2022, that all-time low still meant nearly one in five Black Americans was living in poverty, nearly double the poverty rate of white Americans. “In focus groups and conversations with party leaders, Black men have stated repeatedly that their material conditions have remained unchanged under Democratic and Republican presidential administrations,” the New York Times’s Maya King reports. And as costs have risen during a Biden administration — mostly due to inflation — that feeling of stagnation has only grown more pronounced.  Such sentiments have prompted some voters to weigh whether voting for an alternative option – like Trump – could help produce a different outcome.  “Nothing has come to fruition. Look at the schools, the playgrounds, the parks. Downtown is struggling. In our community, typically, we vote for Democrats. How has that panned out for us?” Ahmad Taylor, an undecided Michigan voter who previously voted for Biden, told the Washington Post’s Michael Brice-Saddler.  Multiple Covid-19 aid packages also helped stem the economic pain some voters experienced because of the pandemic during the Trump administration and the beginning of the Biden administration. These included stimulus checks, small business funding, and expansions to unemployment payments.  A number of these payments, however, expired during the Biden administration because Republicans in Congress balked at passing a continuation of programs like an expanded child tax. That’s left voters dealing with both higher costs on consumer goods and a drop-off in aid that could help soften the blow.  Because the first wave of stimulus checks was sent out during the Trump administration and also bore his name, some voters have been under the mistaken impression that he’s solely to credit for them. That idea has taken hold even though the aid was passed by a Democratic House and a Republican Senate, and even though stimulus payments were distributed during the Biden administration as well.  2) Resistance to the growing social liberalism of the Democratic Party Another dynamic at play is more conservative attitudes among some Black voters on social issues. In particular, as Democrats have shifted leftward on LGBTQ rights — just over a decade ago, Obama was hesitant to back same-sex marriage —  some of these voters have chafed at the party’s current stance. This cycle, Republicans have ramped up attacks on LGBTQ rights, particularly those targeting trans people, and that may be resonating with certain voters, including Black men. In one attack ad on Harris that played during football games, the Trump campaign has gone after her support for funding gender-affirming surgeries for trans inmates — something, it should be noted, that prisons also offered under Trump. “Kamala is for they/them; President Trump is for you,” the ad states.  Charlamagne Tha God, an influential media personality and one of the hosts of the syndicated radio show The Breakfast Club, has described the ad as “effective.” Other voters have spoken of Democrats’ support for gay rights as a problem. “That’s when I left Democrats alone,” one voter, identified as J, told NPR, noting that the legalization of gay marriage, a milestone made possible by the Supreme Court but celebrated by Democrats, was his tipping point away from the party.  Those socially conservative viewpoints can extend to gender as well. When it comes to Harris’s candidacy, specifically, sexism might well be a real issue for some voters, including Black men.  “There are traditional values that come out of a lot of the Black homes that are still around. Even though many Black males were raised by a mother, by a matriarch, there’s still this notion that women have a certain place in our society,” says Childs. Cliff Albright, executive director of the Black Voters Matter Fund, notes that he’s heard the sentiment from a small percentage of voters he’s spoken to: “You got some percentage that will come out and tell you, like in your face: I don’t think a woman should be president,” he says.  3) An election cycle rife with disinformation  A problem that only amplifies Democrats’ struggles is the rise of disinformation, multiple experts posited.  Childs notes that influencers on the right have seized on real concerns Black men may have — like economic frustration — to advance false messages about how Harris and Biden haven’t accomplished anything to help members of this group.  In one example that Charlamagne Tha God cited during a town hall with Harris this week, he referenced a viral clip from a Harris interview with The Grio that was taken out of context and has been cut so it looks like she’s saying she won’t do anything specifically for Black people.  These claims often begin with pundits on the right, or even Trump himself, and get amplified over social media by celebrities, podcasters, and other prominent personalities. The singer Janet Jackson, for instance, recently elevated lies that Trump had told questioning Harris’s ethnicity.  Multiple surveys, including an August NAACP poll, have found a stark generational divide among Black men, with voters under 50 far less likely to support Harris than those over 50. Albright believes this points to the effect disinformation on social media has had, as younger voters are more likely to get news from these sources.  “It’s like a living organism, this disinformation. It grows from a cell, and then it reaches the point where it takes on a life of its own, and it just grows all kinds of tentacles,” Albright tells Vox. “And … it’s touching millions of Black voters.”

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Members of The Times' editorial board spent weeks interviewing candidates and researching ballot initiatives. These are the endorsements based on that work.

Eugene Vindman is raking in cash off his role in the first impeachment. But he’s not bringing it up as he campaigns for Virginia’s 7th Congressional District.

Sign up with BetMGM bonus code NYP1500DM to receive a 20% deposit match, or use BetMGM bonus code NYBONUS for $1,500 first bet insurance on all sports this Saturday.

The killing on Thursday of the Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, the principal architect of the October 7 attack on southern Israel, offers a golden opportunity for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to declare victory and begin pulling troops out of Gaza. But that is not going to happen. Most likely, nothing will change, because neither Netanyahu nor Hamas wants it to.Netanyahu’s calculation is no mystery. Should he leave political office, he faces a criminal-corruption trial and a probable inquiry into the security meltdown on October 7. He has apparently concluded that the best way to stay out of prison is to stay in power, and the best way to stay in power is to keep the war going—specifically, the war in Gaza. The battle against Hezbollah in Lebanon is too volatile, and involves too many other actors, including the United States, Iran, and Gulf Arab countries, for Israel to keep control of its trajectory. For this reason, Lebanon is much less useful than Gaza as a domestic political tool.For Israel, the war in Gaza has become a counterinsurgency campaign with limited losses day to day. This level of conflict likely seems manageable for the short term, and appears beneficial to Netanyahu. Hamas, for its part, seems to think it can hold out in the short term, and gain in the long term. An insurgency requires little sophistication by way of organizational structure or weaponry—only automatic rifles, crude IEDs, and fighters who are prepared to die. Years, possibly a decade or longer, of battles against Israeli occupation forces for control of Palestinian land in Gaza are intended to elevate the Hamas Islamists over the secular-nationalist Fatah party as the nation’s bloodied standard-bearer. Hamas leaders may well see no reason to abandon this path to political power just because Sinwar is dead.[Franklin Foer: Yahya Sinwar finally got what he deserved]Some more moderate members of the Qatar-based Hamas politburo, such as Moussa Abu Marzouk, have expressed discomfort with the October 7 attack and Sinwar’s “permanent warfare” strategy. But they are not likely to prevail over more hard-line counterparts, such as the former Hamas leader and ardent Muslim Brotherhood ideologue Khaled Mashal (some sources are already reporting that he has been named to succeed Sinwar). The truth is that none of these exiled politicians may wind up exerting much control over events on the ground in Gaza. Sinwar, who was himself a gunman and served time in an Israeli prison, once derided them as “hotel guys” because of their relatively plush accommodations in Qatar, Turkey, and Lebanon. Real power flowed to military leaders such as himself.Sinwar effectively controlled Hamas starting from 2017 at the latest, even though Ismail Haniyeh, based in Qatar, was the group’s official chairman. Only after Israel assassinated Haniyeh in Tehran on July 31 did Sinwar formally become the leader that he had long actually been. Today, fighters such as Sinwar’s younger brother Mohamed, the commander of the southern brigade, and Izz al-Din Haddad, the commander in northern Gaza, are ready to step into the leadership role with or without official titles. The political figureheads in Qatar will most likely continue to do what they’ve done for at least the past decade, serving mainly as diplomats, tasked with securing money and arms, as well as defending and promoting Hamas policies on television.The only scenario in which Sinwar’s death would lead the “hotel guys” to gain real authority instead of these fighters would be if the group’s remaining leadership cadres decided that Hamas should stand down long enough to rebuild. This could be a tactical pause; it could also be a strategic decision, if the group finds itself so exhausted that it prefers making a deal to continuing an insurgency that could take many years to achieve its political purpose. In either of these scenarios, Hamas would be looking above all for reconstruction aid—which would give the exiled leaders, who are best placed to secure such aid, leverage over the militants on the ground.But these are not likely outcomes. The Hamas insurgency was gaining momentum before Sinwar’s death, and Israel was poised to impose a draconian siege on northern Gaza in response. Nothing suggests that Israeli leaders are closer to recognizing what a counterinsurgency campaign will really entail—and that such efforts tend to become quagmires, because they don’t usually yield a decisive victory, and withdrawing without one will look like capitulation, whether it happens now or in several years.That’s why the death of Sinwar offers such an important inflection point for Israel. It’s an opportunity to end a conflict that otherwise threatens to go on indefinitely. But the history of this war is dispiriting in this regard: Israel has already squandered just such an inflection point earlier this year.[Graeme Wood: Yahya Sinwar’s death was preordained]That chance came when the Israel Defense Forces overran Rafah, the southernmost town in Gaza, in stages from May to August. For almost a year, the Israeli military had smashed its way through the Gaza Strip from north to south, destroying everything it considered of value to Hamas, including much of what was indispensable for sustaining its 2.2 million Palestinian residents. Now the IDF had effectively reached the Egyptian border. No more obvious Hamas assets remained, at least aboveground.Israel could have declared Hamas defeated and made a near-complete withdrawal contingent on the release of all remaining hostages—a deal that Hamas appears to have been willing to take in the past, and which public sentiment in Gaza would have rendered politically devastating to reject. Hamas would have surely crawled out of its tunnels and declared a pyrrhic victory of its own. But the group would then own the devastation of its realm, and with Israel gone, ordinary Palestinians would have a chance to reckon with Hamas’s decision to sign 2.2 million of them up for martyrdom without any consultation.Instead, Israel chose to remain in Gaza, becoming the inevitable focus of Palestinian anger and terror.Open-ended conflict is certainly what Sinwar wanted. It’s evidently what Netanyahu wants. And no viable alternative leadership for Hamas or Israel appears to be emerging, nor are critical masses of Israelis or Palestinians demanding an end to the hostilities. Sinwar is gone—but the insurgency he set in motion seems set to live on into the foreseeable future.

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The Israeli government said a drone was launched toward the prime minister’s house Saturday, with no casualties.

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Israel's government says a drone was launched toward the prime minister's house, with no casualties.

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