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Jacqueline “Jackie” Strickland, 59, poses with her students at EduCare, an Early Head Start program, in Washington, DC. | Rosem Morton for Vox Jacqueline Strickland was tired, but hopeful. The Washington, DC, early childhood educator had been teaching young children for nearly 40 years, and prayed that one day she would be fairly compensated for her experience and education. Strickland even went back to school, years into teaching, to upgrade her credentials, acquiring associate’s and bachelor’s degrees to better understand youth brain development. She watched as valued colleagues left for higher-paying pastures, teaching older children, driving school buses, working for the postal service. Strickland kept with her career path though, partly out of passion for young kids, but also because she knew there was a local effort afoot to raise the wages of teachers like her. She began testifying at council hearings in support of the idea. Finally, two years ago, after years of waiting, Strickland’s salary was bumped. She’s gone from earning $57,000 a year to $75,000, and gained access to free health insurance. “I’m a mother of two, both my daughters have gone to college and I had to pay for school, maintain my own household, I didn’t have money to put away for retirement,” she said. “That was the scary part for me. I will be 60 in November and I couldn’t save.” Strickland’s raise came from the nation’s first program aimed at aligning the salaries of the city’s 4,000 day care teachers with their public school counterparts. Known as the Pay Equity Fund, this innovative program has paid more than $80 million over the last two years to augment the salaries of child care workers, and was funded by a new non-lapsing tax increase on DC’s wealthiest residents, approved by the local council in 2021.  In the program’s first year, lead teachers like Strickland received lump-sum payments of $14,000, assistant teachers $10,000, and part-time teachers $5,000. In its second year, the city began issuing wage increases through quarterly payments, eventually transitioning these boosts into newly established salary minimums. While DC’s Pay Equity program stands out for its scale, its wage supplement effort reflects a broader national trend, as states try to stabilize child care sectors hit hard by the pandemic and address the chronic underpayment of the workforce. In 2022, the median hourly wage for child care workers was just $13.71, significantly less than comparable roles like preschool and kindergarten teachers. Child care is the 10th lowest-paid occupation out of roughly 750 occupations in the economy, per one industry analysis.   Out of recognition that families are already burdened by high costs and can’t afford to pay much more for child care, states like North Carolina, Oklahoma, Wisconsin, Maine, and Tennessee have introduced wage supplement programs to boost child care teacher recruitment, retention, and quality. And on the federal level, several proposals aim to bolster child care workers’ salaries. One bipartisan bill introduced this summer by Sens. Katie Britt (R-AL) and Tim Kaine (D-VA) proposes new federal grants to state and local governments that supplement child care worker pay.  As politicians elevate child care on the campaign trail and polls suggest it’s a motivating concern for voters, the pressure to raise wages for one of America’s most underpaid professions has taken on new importance. DC’s Pay Equity Fund is proving the model can work — provided elected officials stay committed to funding it. What we’ve learned from DC’s pay equity fund Leading researchers have been analyzing the impact of DC’s wage supplement program on child care providers and the early education sector more broadly. Data from the first two years of the program showed that the wage supplements had increased lead teachers’ pay by 37 percent and assistant teachers’ wages by 31 percent. On a practical level, the increased pay has enabled child care teachers to pay off their debts, cover emergency expenses, and cover essentials like food, rent, and utilities. Some began looking to purchase homes, and nearly 70 percent said the fund allowed them to actually save money, some, like Strickland, for the first time in their careers.  On an emotional level, many educators reported in surveys that the extra pay made them feel genuinely appreciated and respected, and that reduced financial stress helped them focus more on the children they work with.  Researchers found that assistant teachers, in particular, reported significantly improved mental health. “Indeed, the Pay Equity Fund…appears to have contributed to educators’ beliefs that they are now being compensated fairly,” the Urban Institute concluded. From a hiring perspective, research by the think tank Mathematica found that the first few years of the Pay Equity Fund boosted the number of early childhood educators working in DC. Mathematica estimated the program led to an increase of 100 new hires, representing a 3 percentage point increase over what would have been expected without the wage boosts. Many child-care center directors also told Urban Institute researchers that the wage supplements made it easier to attract qualified new teachers and easier to retain their best staff. “What’s new about the pay equity program compared to other states is that they had a dedicated source of revenue,” said Erica Greenberg, a senior fellow at the Urban Institute who has been studying the program. “And that it was not just to stabilize the sector, but was really also about fairness.” Can the idea spread further? Taking a page out of DC’s playbook, Maine has similarly sought a dedicated funding stream to boost child care wages.  Maine’s child care wage supplement program began in September 2021 using American Rescue Plan relief funds.  “Stability grants” provided nearly 7,000 child care staff with an additional $200 per month, according to Tara Williams, the associate director of early care and education in Maine’s Department of Health and Human Services. Maine officials solicited feedback on how best to distribute the dollars, and concluded that sending the money to program owners and directors, so they could put the funding directly into staff payroll, made the most sense.  Beginning in October 2022, Maine included the program in its state budget, continuing to fund it through general state revenues at a cost of $30 million annually. It now exists as a three-tiered program, in which the lowest eligible tier of child care workers can earn an additional $275 per month, the second tier earns an additional $415 per month, and the highest-tier providers can earn an additional $625 a month.“So that’s an over $3,000 a year bonus for the first tier,” Williams said proudly. “I’ve just been really excited to watch the expansion and implementation of this program.” Over 7,500 child care workers were receiving the Maine supplements as of June.Williams has been sharing Maine’s experience with compensation reform with other states, including this past summer at a conference hosted by the North Carolina-based Hunt Institute.  In Pennsylvania, advocates have been organizing for their own child care wage supplement program, arguing that such investments are necessary to address the state’s worker shortage. They pointed to Republican-led states like Alaska and Georgia that have recently made new investments to support child care wages ($7.5 million and $23.6 million respectively) and Democratic-led ones like New York and Minnesota that have done the same ($500 million and $316 million respectively). Some cities are also taking their own steps. This past June, a coalition of care advocacy organizations launched an 18-month pilot in New York City to provide $1,000 per month to licensed home-based child care providers.“We have educators deciding every month what bills to pay, they are deciding every month whether to stay open,” said Jessica Sager, the CEO of All Our Kin, a national group that trains and supports home-based child care educators and is involved with the pilot. “When educators don’t have that stress they can focus wholly on the care.” The policy will require sustained commitment Wage supplements are not unique to child care, and governments have long used them to augment salaries of workers in fields like health care, home care, and agriculture.  Yet as promising as these wage supplements are, advocates are learning that even passing a dedicated funding stream is not enough to insulate the salary boosts from politics and annual budget fights. Earlier this year, DC Mayor Muriel Bowser proposed gutting the Pay Equity Fund entirely as a way to balance the city’s budget amid flat growth and declining revenue from vacant office buildings. Teachers and community allies rallied for months in protest and in the end the DC Council restored $70 million to the program, though that still represented a $17 million cut. “We thought we were done with this kind of fighting — we had found a non-lapsing funding source for the program, there isn’t that much more security we can build in,” said Ruquiyyah Anbar-Shaheen, the director of early childhood at DC Action, a local advocacy group. “The challenge is just having the political will to keep the program in place.”  Strickland said if the city had gone forward with gutting the program, she would have had to look for an alternative job.  “I’ve been fighting this fight a long time, but this shouldn’t be a fight, it should be a given,” she told Vox. “It’s not a bonus, it’s what’s owed to early childhood educators. We put in a lot of time and we give children the foundation that supports them for future learning.” This work was supported by a grant from the Bainum Family Foundation. Vox Media had full discretion over the content of this reporting.

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A clash between Proud Boys and counterprotesters breaks out, in November 2020. Researchers say that the most socially connected people are more willing to say they’d use political violence. Even before two people attempted to assassinate former President Donald Trump, national security experts and law enforcement were warning that the United States needed a plan to contend with the possibility of political violence on Election Day.  Now, in the final weeks of the campaign, researchers have just published new findings about the social lives of people who are likely to endorse using political violence, and be willing to use it themselves.  The results, based on a nationally representative survey of more than 8,000 Americans, may seem counterintuitive. Basically, people open to the idea that political violence is justified tend to exist at opposite ends of the social spectrum. Those who report having no strong personal or work connections were 2.4 times more likely to say political violence is justifiable than people who said they have 1–4 close relationships. That’s not necessarily surprising, given the recent history of mass shooters and politically motivated assailants who’ve been described by their broader networks as loners. What’s weird, though, is that people with lots of close connections were also a little more likely to endorse political violence. People who said they had 50 or more strong relationships were 1.2 times more likely to endorse political violence.  And here’s where it gets a little concerning: The people with no social connections weren’t on average any more likely to say they would be willing to personally commit political violence, even if they believed it was justified. But the people with lots of close relationships? They were 1.5 times more likely than the others to say they’d be willing to be violent for a political cause themselves.  What’s going on with those super socially connected people? Julia Schleimer, the researcher who led the study, told Vox over email that, compared to the people with just a few close connections, the 50+ cohort tended to be white, higher in income, slightly more educated, and older. But that’s also true of the demographic in the middle (which reported 10–49 social connections) and they weren’t especially open to the idea of political violence.  In other words, there were no demographic factors about the group that jumped out to the researchers. “One limitation of this study is that we don’t have details on the nature or characteristics of people’s social networks, which likely matters a great deal and is an area for future study,” Schleimer said. But prior studies “give us reason to expect that people with very large social networks may be at greater risk for political violence, if those networks are characterized by antisocial norms, outgroup contempt, and extreme views.” That’s particularly true, she said, when the social networks are homogenous. Sometimes those groups form in person, but increasingly, they also develop online, like the Proud Boys and other far-right groups who organized in the days after Donald Trump’s 2020 election loss and stormed the Capitol on January 6.  This research, done by University of California Davis’s Violence Prevention Research Program (VPRP) builds on data published earlier this year about Americans’ beliefs in political violence. The good news from the earlier work is that by and large, a vast majority of Americans are opposed to political violence under any circumstances. The more worrying news? A small proportion of Americans are open to the idea that political violence is sometimes justified. “I personally think that large-scale political violence is really, really unlikely. I feel more sanguine about that prediction, given our 2024 data,” Dr. Garen Wintemute, director of the program, told Vox this summer. “But sporadic outbreaks, particularly if the battleground states remain really close — is it possible? Sure. Might there be attempts to intimidate election officials? Absolutely.” The Violence Prevention Research Program applies a public health approach to issues like gun violence and political violence — meaning they look for interventions that can try to discourage them from happening. The new findings, Schleimer said, suggest that it’s important to develop approaches that target both those who are very lonely and those who are deeply connected, in, for example, extremist ideological groups. For the lonely, social skills training, community centers, cultural activities and more open and accessible cities can all be helpful. And both groups benefit from anti-violence messages from influential public figures and on social media. For the socially connected people, having a trusted figure who can support them as they begin opening up to different perspectives and challenging the beliefs of their ideology can be especially helpful. The ideas sound really simple, but the researchers’ previous work suggests that getting someone to reject political violence is perhaps easier than you might think. “For the would-be combatants, a big number would switch if their family asked them not to, or friends, or even some media sources,” Wintemute told Vox. “We can create a climate of nonacceptance for political violence. And in doing that, we can expect that it will work.” Their findings are encouraging, in that respect. But reaching every person who might be open to political violence, in a highly divided country, with this many guns? That’s the tricky part.

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