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What happens when the owner of one of the most important news organizations in the country decides that the journalists are the problem? That’s the question I keep asking myself in response to Jeff Bezos’s op-ed explaining his decision to have his newspaper, The Washington Post, stop making presidential endorsements just days before it was reportedly set to formally back Vice President Kamala Harris.Bezos argued that the press needs to accept reality about its unpopularity, and implied that journalists are to blame for our sinking reputation. He didn’t even acknowledge the concerted, multiyear campaign—led most recently by Donald Trump, Elon Musk, and Peter Thiel—to convince Americans that the free press is, to borrow a phrase, the “enemy of the people.” Bezos writes, “We must be accurate, and we must be believed to be accurate. It’s a bitter pill to swallow, but we are failing on the second requirement. Most people believe the media is biased … It would be easy to blame others for our long and continuing fall in credibility (and, therefore, decline in impact), but a victim mentality will not help. Complaining is not a strategy. We must work harder to control what we can control to increase our credibility.”Not once did Bezos even try to explain why it is that “most people believe the media is biased.”The decision to get out of the presidential-endorsement game itself is not problematic to me. In fact, I’ve always felt sorry for any working journalist who has to cover a candidate’s campaign the day after its opinion page comes out against that candidate. As NBC’s political director, I had to deal with analogous situations over the years, when campaigns refused to grant interviews to or even interact with NBC journalists because they didn’t like an opinion that was aired on MSNBC’s more ideological or partisan programs. For reporters who are simply trying to do their job—covering a campaign, reporting what’s happening, and writing the most factually accurate account of the day that they can confirm by deadline—it’s not a comfortable position to be in.[Ellen Cushing: Don’t cancel The Washington Post. Cancel Amazon Prime.]For years, I pushed NBC to invest in a conservative talk-show lineup on CNBC. I wanted to be able to say: We have a red cable channel at night and a blue cable channel at night, but here at NBC, we are stuck covering politics as it is, not as we wish it was. Covering politics as it is continues to be my mantra. Those who want to push their own politics should leave reporting and become activists; there are plenty of places where they can do that.The real problem with what Bezos did was not the decision he made, but its timing and execution—rolled out on the eve of an election with little explanation. And then, when he did publish an explanation, he somehow made things worse. There are many legitimate criticisms of contemporary journalism, but Bezos didn’t level any of them. Instead, he wrote that media outlets suffer from a “lack of credibility” because they “talk only to a certain elite.” He betrayed no awareness that he was parroting a right-wing talking point, revealing his ignorance of the 50-year campaign to delegitimize the mainstream press—which arguably began when conservative supporters of President Richard Nixon vowed revenge for the media’s exposure of the Watergate crimes.What Bezos failed to acknowledge is that a legion of right-wing critics—most notably the longtime Fox News CEO, Roger Ailes—spent decades attacking media outlets, repeating the charge that they are irredeemably biased. For Ailes and others, it proved a lucrative approach—when you hear something over and over, you tend to believe it. Trump and his team have used the same strategy, building their appeal by attacking the press. Social-media algorithms have only made this repetitive, robotic attack on the press worse.But instead of defending his reporters against such attacks, Bezos decided to blame the victim in his extremely defensive op-ed. He is right to note that “complaining is not a strategy.” But neither is surrender. Six years ago, I argued in The Atlantic that media outlets had made a mistake by failing to respond to their critics. Many journalists feared that fighting back against bad-faith attacks on our work would make us look partisan. So instead, we chose not to engage when partisan actors at Fox News or campaign operatives used the charge of media bias against working journalists. And I wrote that this needed to change.I thought that if journalists defended their work, at a minimum, the owners of media institutions would have our back. Boy, was that naive. It turns out that Bezos himself has fallen victim to the campaign to convince the world that all media should be assumed to be biased politically unless proved otherwise. His op-ed must have felt like a gut punch to reporters at the Post. Only in its final lines did he say that the journalists he employs deserve to be believed.To Bezos’s credit, he has at least put his name on an op-ed and attempted a defense of his actions. The leaders of the publicly traded companies that happen to own major news organizations have not had the guts to explain publicly—either to the employees they’ve laid off or the ones they’ve kept—why they’ve decided to either “Trump-proof” their companies or to shrink their commitment to the news-and-information business.And if you haven’t been paying attention to the accelerating contraction of major news organizations, just wait until the first quarter of the coming year, when many publicly traded companies may decide that news divisions aren’t worth the headaches they cause their CEOs. These companies have plenty of cash to help sustain their news divisions while they find their footing in the new media landscape. The fact they are choosing not to do so says a lot.Part of me understands the logic of much of corporate America. The idea that Trump could use the power of the government to punish companies for journalism he dislikes is not hypothetical. Amazon alleges that he did this once already—interfering with the award of a $10 billion defense contract—because the Post’s tough reporting made the president see Bezos as his “political enemy.” Executives have a fiduciary responsibility to protect their shareholders’ investment. If that means accepting the terms of coercion by Trump, apparently, so be it.Bezos could have made the case that The Washington Post is not a partisan institution, but instead, he argued that journalists have to accept the perception of media bias as our reality. If that’s what we have to do, then perhaps Bezos should either sell the Post or put it in some sort of blind trust. Because he has created the perception—among both the public and his own employees—that his other business interests influenced his decision not to raise Trump’s ire with a Harris endorsement.Bezos, who owns the space company Blue Origin, is in a rich-guy race with Elon Musk, who owns SpaceX, to become the leader in commercial space exploration. That Musk has become Trump’s chief surrogate, and a leading financier of his campaign, must surely have made folks at Blue Origin nervous. Perhaps that’s why Blue Origin executives secured a meeting with Trump before the election. The timing of their meeting—the same day the Post made its no-more-endorsements announcement—only adds to the perception problem facing Bezos. But in the same op-ed in which he told his journalists that they needed to accept perceptions as reality, he insisted that the perception of a quid pro quo was wrong, and that he hadn’t known about the meeting beforehand.[Robert Greene: Why major newspapers won’t endorse Kamala Harris]By Bezos’s own logic, how are the journalists at the Post supposed to be able to get out from under the perception that Bezos is hopelessly biased? What about readers? Do they now have to assume that the Post’s politics are Bezos’s politics?I’m sorry that Bezos has not brought the same energy, focus, and innovation to the Post that he brought to Amazon. The man who built the “everything store” could have developed the Post into an “everything portal,” a model for information sharing. If he wanted to foster ideological diversity, he could have purchased multiple publications, each with its own editorial board. Instead, he apparently decided he wanted a trophy. And now that trophy has gotten in the way of another ambition—becoming a commercial space pioneer.What chance do journalists have to regain public confidence if the person who owns one of the most important media institutions in the world doesn’t have the first clue about the long-standing campaign to delegitimize the very publication he owns?Whatever the public perception, the reality is that most journalists, across the country, show up at work each day determined to be fair, honest, and direct. That’s what their readers expect of one another, and they should expect the same of the people who report the news they consume.If only Jeff Bezos understood that.

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Early voters line up at the polls in Stamford, Connecticut. | John Moore / Getty Images The 2024 election cycle has produced some stunning and sometimes counterintuitive narratives about how demographic subgroups might end up voting. We may just see a historic gulf in the way men and women vote — or not. Polls suggest we’re in for the greatest racial realignment since the Civil Rights Act was passed — or it could be a mirage. Young people might sit out the election because they’re disillusioned and vote for a third party — or they could turn out in record numbers for Kamala Harris. The more diverse Sun Belt states might pave the way for a Donald Trump victory — but the predominantly older and whiter “Blue Wall” states might elect the first Black woman president. We’ll know soon enough. Though Election Day is mere days away, at least 60 million people have already voted. Battleground states are hitting or exceeding their records for early voting. And with polls of likely voters still showing an evenly tied race, any combination of factors, events, or movements within the electorate could swing the outcome. To that end, I’ve assembled a handful of questions we at Vox have been tracking for the last year. Their eventual answers could determine who wins the White House. Will there be late deciders? And what might change their minds? The story of the closing weeks of the 2024 election has been a scramble for undecided voters, a shrinking number in poll after poll. That share includes two groups: voters who are undecided between either candidate and voters who might have a preference but are undecided about voting at all. We don’t exactly know who these late deciders are, though. Could they be the same kind of working class and non-college educated (primarily white) voters who boosted Trump to victory in Rust Belt states in 2016 (thus scrambling the polls)? Or are they going to be the scores of new and young (primarily nonwhite) voters who could give Harris an edge in Sun Belt states? And for all these subgroups — what kind of message or campaign development might get them to vote that hasn’t persuaded them already? Could Harris’s late-in-the-game revival of democracy and Trump’s authoritarian bend resonate with them? Is something like the racist and extreme rhetoric at Trump’s Madison Square Garden rally a factor that could make up their minds? Or is something like President Joe Biden’s “garbage” gaffe this week something that could juice more Trump support? Regardless, these late-deciders will be pivotal. They’ve broken for Trump by massive margins in each of the last two elections he’s been a part of. But things might be different this third time. Will there be Republican crossover to Harris? Along those lines, Harris’s fate-of-democracy appeal and juxtaposition of her “to-do” list against Trump’s “enemies” list are the clearest examples of how the Democrat’s campaign has zeroed in on Trump-skeptical Republicans as a key part of preventing a Trump win. But will these registered Republicans cross party lines, or simply repeat as reluctant Trump voters? Somewhere between 15 and 20 percent of Republican primary voters did not vote for Trump, and even after she dropped out, large shares of these voters opted to vote for former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley. Many of them are women, which explains part of the focus Harris has put on touting Republican endorsers like former GOP Rep. Liz Cheney, her father and former vice president Dick Cheney, and scores of former Never-Trump Republican politicians. Partisanship is one hell of a drug, however. Republicans, even if they dislike Trump personally, routinely stick with their party’s nominee. Harris keeps asking these Trump-wary Republicans to put “country over party.” But if they don’t and Harris’s argument about Trump’s threat to democracy is right, they may have to throw a “country over” party. Will Arab American voters drift toward Republicans? The Gaza War, and Israel’s treatment of Palestinians, has been one of the defining issues of the last year, including in the electoral realm. Biden’s handling and response drove a significant amount of dissatisfaction from more progressive and left-leaning members of the Democratic coalition, and that antipathy seems to have stuck around, to a lesser degree, toward Harris. That includes a voting group influential in a pivotal swing state: Arab American voters in Michigan. Polls specifically of Arab Americans suggest that these voters will not turn out for Harris to the same degree that they boosted Democratic candidates in the past: An Arab News-YouGov poll this week found Trump leading Harris among Arab Americans 45 to 43. That’s a stark reversal from 2020, when Biden led Trump by 24 points, and especially 2016, when Hillary Clinton led Trump by 34 points. But this wasn’t always the case. Before 9/11, Arab American voters leaned Republican. Only after the GOP’s anti-Muslim and anti-Arab turn during the George W. Bush years did this voting segment swing toward Democrats, reaching a high point in 2004. And since that high point, these voters have been trending toward the GOP, with the share supporting John McCain, Mitt Romney, and Trump growing from 2008 to 2012 and into 2020 (support dipped slightly in 2016). The Gaza War may be accelerating a latent rightward shift that was already happening as the GOP changed its foreign policy priorities, championed conservative culture war issues, and talked up economic populism as Democrats became more culturally progressive, including on issues of gender and sexuality. Will Trump’s gamble on younger Black men pay off? For much of the last year, the Trump campaign has played up its targeted outreach to a specific segment of the electorate: Black men. With an avalanche of digital advertising aimed at younger Black men, and deployment of surrogates and outside groups to reach young Black voters, the campaign has hoped to exploit two dynamics: Harris’s apparent weakness with Black men, and an overarching vulnerability Democrats have with younger Black Americans. Traditional polling suggests Harris has been facing a challenge in hitting the same margin of support that past Democratic candidates have enjoyed among Black voters, and specifically Black men. Both social and economic reasons explain this, including former President Barack Obama’s theory that a degree of misogyny is keeping some Black men from supporting a Black woman. But there is also a larger Democratic weakness, based on surveys finding that younger Black voters specifically may have weaker ties to the party than older cohorts of Black voters, and may be more conservative than their elders. And young Black men appear more likely this year to support Trump, perhaps as a product of that weaker bond. But this is also among the cohort of voters least likely to vote and which, some polling suggests, is consolidating for Harris as they tune into the election. And with more outright racist remarks and prejudiced speech being deployed by Trump and his supporters in the final weeks of the campaign, it’s not clear that this investment will materialize large enough gains on Election Day to swing races in battleground states. Will Latino voters shift right in the states that matter? Whether Latino voters are shifting toward the Republican Party since the start of the Trump years isn’t really contestable. Trump’s gains in 2020 stuck around for Republican candidates during the 2022 midterms, and polls suggest he will, at the very least, hang on to much of the support in a week. But because the election is decided by the Electoral College and not the popular vote, the more interesting question is whether those gains will stick around or grow in the states that matter. In 2020, much of the political media was captivated by the massive inroads Trump made in South Florida and south Texas, places that had given Democrats an advantage in Latino support for years. But Trump’s Hispanic gains also happened across the country, in primarily immigrant communities, and in both Democratic and Republican strongholds that don’t necessarily impact the results of the Electoral College map. This year, it appears that states that are already likely to solidly back Trump or Harris might see their Latino populations continue shifting to the right (as is most obvious in Florida), even as Latino voters in swing states like Arizona, Nevada, and Pennsylvania, according to polling, buck that trend and move toward Democrats (or at least keep Democratic margins from 2020 intact). That could result in Trump making larger national inroads among Latinos, but not enough in swing states to boost him in the presidential races that matter. It would make for more evidence of an ongoing racial realignment between parties, but one driven by Hispanic and Latino voters in California, New York, and Texas. That has real implications for control of Congress, but, unless the Latinos switching their party affiliations are in swing states, it won’t affect who wins the White House.

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A demonstrator holds an “Abandon Harris” sign outside the Israeli Consulate during the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, Illinois. | Emily Elconin / Bloomberg via Getty Images Arab Americans are one voting bloc that’s used to being slighted by both major parties. In 1984, Walter Mondale, the Democratic candidate for president, returned donations made by Arab Americans; a campaign official at the time said it was the campaign’s policy to refuse contributions from that community. In 1988, Democratic candidate Michael Dukakis rejected an endorsement by an Arab American group. And in 2016, Donald Trump campaigned on banning Muslims from the country and claimed that Arabs in New Jersey cheered as the World Trade Center collapsed on 9/11.  Now, Arab Americans feel deliberately ignored and disrespected yet again. The Biden administration’s unflinching political and financial support for Israel — despite the rising death tolls and humanitarian crisis that the war in Gaza has wrought — has roiled the community, and the general lack of empathy the administration has shown for Palestinians has left a bitter taste in people’s mouths.  When President Joe Biden dropped out and Vice President Kamala Harris became the party’s nominee, Democrats had a chance at a reset with a voting bloc that could very well tip the election. (Arab Americans make up hundreds of thousands of voters in key swing states.) But many feel the Harris campaign’s outreach to Arab Americans has been, to put it mildly, lackluster at best.  “I was like, ‘All right, you have a blank slate, let’s see what you’re going to do with that,’” said Rowan Imran, a Palestinian American who lives in Phoenix, Arizona. “That was very disappointing to see her dig her heels further in the ground and just uphold every single [Biden] policy … It was very clear that we’re just getting a different face with the same policies.” As Harris rose to the top of the ticket, she had to find a delicate balance: distance herself enough from Biden to convince some voters that she wouldn’t be the same as him on Gaza while still representing the US government’s policies as the sitting vice president. It’s a balance she never quite struck. At times, she criticized Israel’s actions that led to “far too many” civilian deaths and acknowledged the human toll in Gaza, but she would always couple those kinds of remarks with justifications for the war. Recently, after being asked about the prospect of losing Arab and Muslim voters because of Israel’s conduct, Harris said, “There are so many tragic stories coming from Gaza,” but that “the first and most tragic story is October 7.” The numbers reflect a dissatisfaction with Harris’s approach: A recent poll showed Harris effectively tied with Trump among Arab Americans, leaving her nearly 20 points behind Biden’s numbers in 2020. Another poll showed Trump with a slight lead.  Trump has been trying to take advantage of that. Earlier this week, for example, he tweeted that he would “stop the suffering and destruction in Lebanon,” referring to Israel’s escalating attacks in the region. He then directly appealed to Lebanese American voters by adding, “Your friends and family in Lebanon deserve to live in peace, prosperity, and harmony with their neighbors.” He also touted an endorsement he received from Amer Ghalib, the mayor of Hamtramck, Michigan, a Muslim-majority city on the outskirts of Detroit. Given how close the election has been — with poll after poll showing a neck-and-neck race in swing states — it’s clear that Arab Americans, who make up a meaningful number of voters in must-win states like Michigan and Pennsylvania, can’t be taken for granted. And some liberals have been expressing frustration toward Arab American voters who refuse to vote for Harris, saying that Trump is worse for them because of policies like the Muslim ban. Harris echoed that frustration when she responded to pro-Palestinian protesters at a rally in August, telling them, “You know what? If you want Donald Trump to win, then say that.” But many Arab Americans are well aware of who Trump is and do resent the prospect of another Trump presidency. What they feel is that they’ve been pushed between a rock and a hard place. A difficult choice Some have dismissed Arab Americans’ concerns and potential protest votes as irresponsible, but the reality is much more complicated. Israel has been credibly accused of genocide, and if you’re a voter who genuinely believes that what’s happening in Gaza is a genocide, then the choice next week might not be so easy: On the one hand, your vote can be used to hold the Biden administration accountable. On the other hand, it can be used to stop Trump’s assault on American democracy. And if you choose the latter, does voting for Harris mean that you’re giving the Biden administration a pass for its handling of Gaza? Those are the kinds of questions haunting many liberal Arab Americans as they approach the voting booth. But democracy, the voters I spoke with argued, requires politicians to cater to the electorate, not the other way around. Imran, a 35-year-old psychiatric nurse practitioner, had been a reliable Democratic voter. “I remember crying when Biden won and just feeling this sense of relief and, you know, someone that’s gonna reflect our values, be the voice of the people. And so that’s why a lot of this is so disappointing, because voting and supporting Kamala Harris, it should be a natural decision for me,” she said. “But because of the constant betrayal that we feel, the unconditional aid to Israel, the indifference to the lives of Palestinians, this has become the most complicated, impossible decision of my life.” Imran is now planning to vote third party. And part of the reason that it’s been a difficult decision for her is because she acknowledges the dangers of a second Trump presidency. “We do not support a Trump presidency. We understand the dangers, the harm,” she said. But “people again feel abandoned, they feel betrayed. We’re seeing our leaders prioritize foreign interests over the lives of people who look like us. And that’s not something we can overlook. You know, votes are not just a given, they need to be earned.” In her view, it’s not her personal responsibility to stop Trump; it’s Harris’s and the Democrats’. And if Trump has another go at the presidency, then it’s only the Democrats to blame, not the voters who defected. Choosing to sit out or vote third party is a way to remind the major parties that they aren’t doing enough. Even those who might be voting for Harris have agonized over their decision, and some don’t even feel comfortable speaking about it because she was, after all, part of the administration that financed Israel’s war. Asma, a 50-year-old medical professional in North Carolina, has voted in every election since she was 18. (Asma asked that Vox use only her first name so she can speak more freely.) And though she usually votes early, this time she’s still holding out in the hopes that she hears some commitment from Harris that she’ll deviate from Biden’s Israel policy. “I’m just looking for validation. I’m looking for basically Harris to do anything, something to show that she has some compassion or some interest in the views that Muslims hold,” Asma told me.  But Harris never seemed to deliver. “We just wonder, what would she lose by being a little more inclusive in her humanity or her compassion or her empathy toward the Palestinians or toward Muslims?” Asma said. “When asked about Gaza, she doesn’t always have to talk about the October 7 hostages. Yes, we understand how you feel about that — you’ve made that plain and clear. Maybe you need to say something about the Palestinians and their plight, exclusive of [the hostages’] situation.” Asma said the election has divided many in her community, with many people judging others for how they’re voting, and some saying that a vote for Harris is essentially a vote for genocide. But a lot of people, Asma said, would still prefer voting for Harris over Trump because they believe Trump would make the situation in Gaza even worse. Still, some voters feel a certain level of guilt holding them back. If Gaza isn’t their red line, then what would be? That’s how Houston Brown, a 33-year-old Atlanta resident, is thinking of his vote. “The most inconceivable thing you can think of is genocide. It’s horrific,” Brown, whose mother is Palestinian, said. “And if there are no consequences for that, there will be no consequences for anything.” Brown was hopeful that Harris would distance herself from Biden on Gaza. And though he views her as more conservative than he’d prefer the Democratic candidate to be, he was still willing to vote for her, he said, because he doesn’t agree with any of Trump’s policies. “I would still vote for her regardless of that, regardless of my disagreements with her policies, if there was an arms embargo and a commitment to hold Israel accountable for what they’ve done,” he said. Harris, of course, made no such commitment, and other moves by her campaign — such as refusing to give a speaking slot to a Palestinian American at the Democratic National Convention — made Brown feel like the vice president was not taking Gaza seriously. Now, Brown is likely going to vote third party, and if that means Trump might be back in the White House, that’s a risk Brown accepts. “The repercussions are what they are, and we’ll cross that bridge when we get there,” he said. “I understand that it could be worse under Trump,” he added. “But 40,000 dead Palestinians isn’t any different than 40,000 dead Americans to me. And our policies have led to the murder of over 40,000 Palestinians.” While Trump has tried to make appeals to disaffected Arab Americans, he’s also been saying he’d be even more supportive of Israel than Biden has been. Recently, Trump said that Benjamin Netanyahu was “doing a good job” and that Biden was, if anything, holding the Israeli prime minister back. Trump’s own record on Israel has also been bad for Palestinians. For example, he moved the Israeli embassy to Jerusalem — making the US officially recognize the city as Israel’s capital, despite the fact that East Jerusalem is still occupied Palestinian territory — and his State Department declared that the United States would no longer deem settlements in the West Bank to be illegal under international law. But many voters who are sitting out or voting third party aren’t under the illusion that Trump is in any way a better alternative for Palestinians. For them, what’s happened in Gaza over the past year already constitutes the worst of outcomes: Israel has killed tens of thousands of innocent people, obliterated educational, religious, and health care infrastructure, created conditions for preventable diseases to spread, and targeted and killed journalists at an unprecedented rate. “In no way do I imagine Trump is better for Palestine,” Brown said. But “I can’t imagine it worse. I don’t think the Democrats are doing anything to stop it — they’re actively supporting it. So if there’s no real change for Palestine, why would I reward the people who are doing this now?” Where the Harris campaign goes from here Arab Americans didn’t always lean toward Democrats. In 2000, Arab Americans predominantly voted for George W. Bush, and Republicans viewed them as a winnable demographic. But since the aftermath of 9/11 and the surveillance of Arabs and Muslims, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and Republicans’ xenophobic and Islamophobic overtures to white voters, Arabs have steadily moved toward Democrats. In 2020, Biden won about 60 percent of the Arab American vote. Democrats’ progress, however, seems to have all but evaporated. Now, there’s no question that there is a protest vote in the making among Arab Americans and others who, like Brown, feel like a vote for Harris is an endorsement of the status quo. Since the primaries, Democratic voters have organized around this issue, launching an “uncommitted” movement where hundreds of thousands of voters selected “uncommitted” instead of Biden during the Democratic primaries to register their discontent over his handling of Gaza. The question is whether the protest vote will be big enough to swing the election in Trump’s favor. “There is a ‘punish’ sense, and you hear that a lot, right? ‘We’re, we’re going to punish the Dems. They don’t deserve to win after what they’ve done,’” said James Zogby, president of the Arab American Institute. “I think that’s a smaller number than one might be led to believe, but if it comes out to a tie as it is right now, those are a lot of votes Democrats will have left on the table … losing 60,000, 70,000 votes in Michigan — that’s a lot of votes to lose in the state that’s going to be close.” Recently, Harris did address Arab Americans specifically and spoke more candidly about the suffering in Gaza and Lebanon that’s happening as a result of Israel’s assaults. “I know this year has been very difficult given the scale of death and destruction in Gaza, and given the civilian casualties and displacement in Lebanon. It is devastating,” she said. At this point, it might seem too little too late for Harris to change people’s minds. And for many Arab Americans and other supporters of the Palestinian cause, actions speak louder than words. And the lack of willingness on the part of the Biden administration to use the levers at its disposal to restrain Israel now leaves voters with a choice: take a unique opportunity to show that there can be electoral consequences for an administration facilitating the kind of war Israel has waged on Palestinians or help end Trump’s political career. But they can’t have both — at least not at the ballot box.

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